This Foreword was written by John Rule in mid-2009 and was included in the first edition but I decided not to use it in the second edition that came out in 2017. It seemed less appropriate then as John had unfortunately died in the interim. Re-reading it recently, I decided to include in on my blogs in part as a tribute to a historian of rare ability and also because it seemed more relevent to me at the end of 2020 than it had three years earlier.
'Three
Rebellions Canada 1837-1836, South Wales 1839 and Australia 1854 is indeed an ambitious study telling its
story in around a thousand pages of description and analysis supported
throughout with illustrations and maps. It would take a determined reader to
read and digest a work of such substance from cover to cover, although one
hopes many will do so. The book has, however been constructed in ways that
support different approaches to its reading by treating each rebellion
separately but with a consistent division into chapters and headed paragraphs
within them linked to a front-placed twelve-page table of contents and detailed
index. The three rebellions have been
well chosen. All were in different ways a consequence of British imperial rule,
although the nature of that rule was obviously felt in different ways and
through different forms of pressure. The outcome of these challenges to British
imperial authority was in each case defeat. That is why they were ‘rebellions’.
Had these armed direct actions achieved significant constitutional change in
their own time, then history would have come to record them as ‘revolutions. To
echo a famous phrase of E. P. Thompson, the rebels if failing in their own time
‘still need rescuing from the enormous condescension of posterity’.
There
is at least a measure of irony in noting that progress to democratic
constitutional government was to be more rapid in Canada and Australia than in
Britain. In all three cases of rebellion, sections of the local working class -
iron workers and coalminers in Newport; agricultural and related workers in the
two Canadas, and gold diggers at the Ballarat confrontation in Victoria - were
the main source of support. All three
rebellions had local economic grievances, some of which like the campaign
against Chinese immigrants to the goldfields were hardly progressive. Violence was present to a degree in each
case, both by the rebels and delivered in the form of reactive repression by the
authorities. At Ballarat in 1854 of 150
diggers who refused to surrender their defence of the now celebrated Eureka
Stockade, twenty-five were killed and thirty wounded by the charging troops of
whose own number four were killed and eleven wounded.
All
this seems rather negative, Brown however is eager to stress the positive
contributions made by the rebellions. Reform was advanced by what can be viewed
as a ‘Peterloo effect’ by analogy with the Manchester reform meeting in 1819 at
which cavalry troops charged the reformers.
Like the Peterloo massacre, later reformers celebrated these three
rebellions, so dramatic that it could not be forgotten by reformers or
authority. An Australian poet later
celebrated the heroism at the Eureka Stockade as among the most significant moments
for the subsequent achievement of radical democracy in Australia:
Yet ere the year was over,
Freedom rolled in like a flood:
They gave us all we asked for
When we asked for it in blood.
What was being asked for? As Richard Brown argues essentially it was
the kind of state and constitution sought by the Chartists. At a mass meeting
of 10,000 gold miners a Reform League was established and pledged to agitate
for a fair and just representation; manhood suffrage; no property qualification
for the legislative councils; payment of members; and short duration of
parliament.. These demands were of course those of the Charter for which John
Frost had led his Welsh rebels at Newport fifteen years before.
During
several decades of leading the subject’s teaching Richard Brown found the time
and energy to produce around fifty writings and broadcasts over a wide range of
historical subjects. Many of these
contributions are concerned with the teaching of history as an Advanced Level
subject; others are textbooks including, for example, a two volume history
published in 1991, Economy and Society in
Modern Britain 1700-1850 and Church
and State in Modern Britain 1700-1850. This was followed by more specialist
works on radicalism, revolution and reform and in 1998 on Chartism. He tells us
that this last subject became his special interest as a teacher and as a
scholar. It is not then surprising that it was to an ambitious project
involving the great nineteenth-century working-class movement that he has
dedicated the time bestowed by his recent retirement. Richard Brown has written
a well documented, thoroughly argued and especially interesting book.'
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