Few writers can live solely from their writings. Thomas Love 
Peacock [1785-1866] was no exception. He began work as a clerk in a City office 
and in late 1818 took up a well-paid and responsible job at the India House 
where he worked for almost forty years. In taking his post with the East India 
Company, Peacock became a high-ranking civil servant and chose amateur status as 
a novelist. His writings, particularly Nightmare Abbey [1818] and 
Crotchet Castle [1831] ridiculed the poets of the Romantic Movement and 
political economists in their quest for scientific progress and 'the march of 
the mind'. Mr Crotchet lists certain great controversies he would like to see 
settled in his lifetime: "the sentimental against the rationale, the intuitive 
against the inductive, the ornamental against the useful, the intense against 
the tranquil, the romantic against the classical". Peacock, like other 
contemporary social critics, was trying to make sense of a Britain of increasing 
contrasts. Thomas Carlyle stated in Signs of the Times in 1829 that: 
"Were we required to characterise this age of ours by any single epithet, we 
should be tempted to call it, not an Heroical, Devotional, Philosophical, or 
Moral Age, but, above all others, the Mechanical Age. It is the Age of 
Machinery, in every outward and inward sense of that word; the age, which with 
its whole undivided might, forwards, teaches and practises the great art of 
adapting means to ends. Nothing is now done directly, or by hand.... Our old 
modes of exertion are all discredited and thrown aside...."
In his Autobiographical Fragments, probably written in 
the early 1820s, the poet John Clare expressed an alternative view: 
My hopes of bettering my station with the world was agen and I 
started for Wisbeach [in Cambridgeshire] with a timid sort of pleasure and when 
I got to Glinton turnpike I turnd back to look on the old church as if I was 
going in to another contry. Wisbeach was a foreign land to me for I had never 
been above 8 miles from home in my life and I coud not fancy england much larger 
then the part I knew. At Peterboro Brig I got into a boat that carrys passengers 
to Wisbeach once a week and returns the third day a distance of 21 miles for 
eighteenpence.... one of my worst labours was a journey to a distant village 
name Maxey in winter afternoons to fetch flour once or sometimes twice a week. 
In these journeys I had haunted spots to pass as the often heard tales of ghosts 
and hobgoblins had made me very fearful to pass such places at night it being 
often dark ere I got there....
William Cobbett wrote of Sheffield in his northern tour of 
1830:
The ragged hills all round this town are bespangled with groups 
of houses inhabited by the working cutlers. They have not suffered like the 
working weavers; for to make knives there must be the hand of man. Therefore, 
machinery cannot come to destroy the wages of the labourer. The home demand has 
been very much diminished: but still the depression has here not been what it 
has been, and what it is where the machinery can be brought into play....
 
The England of the 1780s was in some respects 'modern', an 'age 
of machinery' as Carlyle maintained. It was an England of rapid industrial 
change where a growing population was being drawn to the expanding towns and 
cities of the north and midlands. It was a land of canals and newly surfaced 
roads feeding economic growth. But it was also an 'old' country in which going 
to a different part of the country was viewed as going to a foreign land and 
where a belief in the supernatural remained. In the 1780s, the tensions between 
change and continuity were unresolved and in some ways they remained unresolved 
in 1846. These pressures were more obvious outside England. In Scotland, Wales 
and Ireland the distinction between innovation and tradition was starker and 
resistance to change often took on a strongly nationalist character. Attitudes 
to particular crops grown in Ireland illustrate this distinction. The 
cultivation of turnips was seen as innovative by many rural labourers and, 
perhaps more importantly, as an English innovation. Turnips were destroyed in 
the fields just as some believed they were destroying their lives. By contrast, 
the potato, introduced by the English in the seventeenth century, had become an 
accepted indeed essential part of Irish cultural, as well as dietary, life. It 
is not surprising that some nationalists of the Young Ireland movement were able 
to represent the potato famines of the 1840s as part of a deliberate policy of 
genocide by English government. For many contemporaries Britain was a country of 
opposing poles: improvement and resistance, modernity and tradition, change and 
continuity, Englishness and cultural and linguistic nationalism, north and 
south, rich and poor. As is always the case, reality was far less clear-cut and 
far more complex than the rhetoric suggested.
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