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Friday 29 February 2008

The Normans in Normandy: Bibliography--Secondary Sources 4

Historiography

General & miscellaneous

Albu (Hanawalt), Emily. ‘Predatory Friendship: Evidence from Medieval Norman Histories.’ The Changing Face of Friendship, pages 115-129, editor Leroy S. Rouner, Boston University Studies in Philosophy and Religion, 15. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994.

Albu (Hanawalt), Emily. The Normans in their Histories: Propaganda, Myth and Subversion, Woodbridge, Boydell, 2001.

Amory, Frederic. ‘The Viking Hasting in Franco-Scandinavian Legend’, Saints, Scholars and Heroes: Studies in Medieval Culture in Honour of Charles W. Jones, 2: pages 265-286, editors Margot H. King and Wesley M. Stevens, two volumes. Collegeville: Hull Monastic Library, 1979.

Arnoux, Mathieu. ‘La fortune du Libellus de revelatione, edificatione et auctoritate Fiscannensis monasterii: Note sur la production historiographique d’une abbaye bénédictine normande.’ Revue d’histoire des textes 21 (1991): pages 135-158.

Arnoux, Mathieu. ‘Les premières chroniques de Fécamp: De l’hagiographie à l’histoire’, in SNM, pages 71-82, Colloque de Cerisy-la-Salle 1996. Caen: Université de Caen, 2000.

Arnoux, Mathieu. ‘Before the Gesta Normannorum and beyond Dudo: Some Evidence on Early Norman Historiography.’ Anglo-Norman Studies 22 (1999): pages 29-48.

Bédier, Joseph. ‘Richard de Normandie dans les chansons de geste’, Les légendes épiques: Recherches sur la formation des chansons de geste, 4: pages 3-18, 3rd ed. Paris: Honoré Champion, 1926.

Blacker, Jean. The Faces of Time: Portrayal of the Past in Old French and Latin Historical Narrative of the Anglo-Norman Regnum. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994.

Boehm, Laetitia. ‘Nomen gentis Normannorum: Der aufsteig der Normannen im Spiegel der normannischen Historiographie.’ I Normanni e la loro espansione in Europa nell’alto medioevo, pages 623-704, Settimane 16. Spoleto: Presso la Sede del Centro, 1969.

Bouet, Pierre. ‘Les sources hagiographiques: Nature et méthodes d’analyse’, in SNM, pages 11-20.

Chibnall, Marjorie. The Debate on the Norman Conquest, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999.

‘De obitu Willelmi ducis Normannorum regisque Anglorum: Texte, modèles, valeur et origine.’ Mélanges Christine Mohrmann: Nouveau recueil offert par ses anciens élèves, pages 209-255, editor Lodewick J. Engels. Utrecht: Spectrum Éditeurs, 1973.

Dosdat, Monique. ‘Le deuil du roi Guillaume: Étude critique et étude du grand planctus sur la mort de Guillaume le Conquérant’, AN 37 (1987): pages 197-226.

Dronke, Peter.  Poetic Individuality in the Middle Ages:  New Departures in Poetry, 1000-1150, 2nd ed, Westfield Studies in Medieval Studies, 1,  London:  University of London Committee for Medieval Studies, 1986.

Fierville, Charles. ‘Étienne de Rouen, moine du Bec, au XIIe siècle’, BSAN 8 (1876-1878): pages 54-78, 421-42.

Flori, Jean. ‘Châteaux et fortresses aux XIe et XIIe siècles:  Étude du vocabulaire des historiens des ducs de Normandie.’ MA 103 (1997): pages 261-273.

Gauthier, Nancy. ‘Quelques hypothèses sur la rédaction des vies des saint évêques de Normandie.’ Memoriam Sanctorum Venerantes: Miscellanea in onore di Monsignor Victor Saxer, pages 449-468, Studi di Antichità Cristiana, 48. Vatican City: Pontificio Istitutio di Archeologia Cristiana, 1992.

Gonthier, Dominique, and Claire Le Bas ‘Analyse socio-économique de quelques recueils de miracles dans la Normandie du XIe au XIIIe siècle’, AN 24 (1974): pages 3-36.

Greenaway, Diane. ‘Henry of Huntingdon and the Manuscripts of His Historia Anglorum’, ANS 9 (1986): pages 103-126.

Grierson, Philip. ‘Abbot Fulco and the Date of the Gesta abbatum Fontanellensium’, EHR 55 (1940): page 275-284.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘The Norman Conquest through European Eyes’, EHR 110 (1995): pages 832-853.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘A Note on Jezebel and Semiramis, Two Early Eleventh-Century Poems from Normandy’, Journal of Medieval Latin 2 (1992): pages 18-24.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘Camden, Cotton and the Chronicles of the Norman Conquest of England in 1066’, British Library Journal 18 (1992): pages 148-162.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘Historiography and Hagiography et Saint-Wandrille: The Inventio et miracula sancti Vulfranni.’ ANS 12 (1989): pages 233-251.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘The Date of Warner of Rouen’s Moriuht’, in History and Family Traditions in England and the Continent, 1000-1200, IIIb: pages 1-6. Aldershot: Variorum, 1999. This is an expanded version of her review of Warner of Rouen, Moriuht: A Norman Latin Poem from the Early Eleventh Century, originally printed in Speculum 73 (1998): pages 621-23.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘Scandinavian Influence in Norman Literature of the Eleventh Century.’ ANS 6 (1983): pages 107-121.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘Orality in Norman Hagiography of the XIth and XIIth Centuries: The Value of Female Testimonies’, in History and Family Traditions in England and the Continent, 1000-1200, XV: pages 1-13. Aldershot: Variorum, 1999.

Howe, John. ‘The Date of the ‘Life’ of St. Vigor of Bayeux’, Analecta Bollendiana 102 (1984): pages 303-312.

Laporte, Jean. ‘Autour des Gesta Sanctorum Patrum Fontanellensis coenobii’, Revue Mabillon 28 (1938): pages 99-111.

Leedom, Joe W. ‘William of Malmesbury and Robert of Gloucester Reconsidered.’ Albion 6 (1974): pages 251-265.

Legris, Canon.  ‘L’exode des corps saints au diocèse de Rouen.’  Revue catholique de Normandie 28 (1919):  pages 125-136, 168-174, 209- 221.

Legris, Canon.  ‘Les vies interpolées des saints de Fontenelle.’ Analecta Bollandiana 17 (1904):  pages 265-306.

Lelégard, Marcel. ‘La cathédrale et la tombe de Geffroi d’après le Livre noir de Coutances.’, in Évêques normands pages 295-302.

Levine, Robert. ‘Baptizing Pirates: Argumentum and Fabulain Norman Historia’, Mediaevistik 4 (1991): pages 157-178.

Lewis, Suzanne. The Rhetoric of Power in the Bayeux Tapestry, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

Lifshitz, Felice. ‘The Acta Archiepiscoporum Rotomagensium: A Monastery or Cathedral Product?’ Analecta Bollandiana 108 (1990): pages 337-347.

Lifshitz, Felice.  ‘Eight Men In:  Rouennais Traditions of Archiepiscopal Sanctity.’ HSJ 2 (1990): pages 63-74.

Lifshitz, Felice. ‘The Politics of Historiography:  The Memory of Bishops in Eleventh-Century Rouen.’ History and Memory 10 (1998): pages 118-137.

Louis, René. ‘A propos du pélerinage de Robert le Libéral à Constantinople et Jérusalem: Les ducs de Normandie dans les chansons de geste.’ Byzantion 28 (1958): pages 391-419.

Masson, Joël. ‘Geoffrey de Montbray ou la fabrique d’uneGeste’, in Évêques normands, pages 307-20.

Matthew, D. J. A. ‘The English Cultivation of Norman History’, in England and Normandy in the Middle Ages, pages 1-18, editors David Bates and Anne Curry. London: Hambledon Press, 1994.

McDonough, Christopher J. Moriuht: A Norman Latin Poem from the Early Eleventh Century, Studies and Texts, 121. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1995.

Musset, Lucien. ‘De Saint-Victrice à Saint-Ouen: La christianisation de la province de Rouen d’après l’hagiographie’, Revue d’histoire de l’Église de France 62 (1976): pages 141-152.

Musset, Lucien. ‘L’image de la scandinavie dans les œuvres normandes de la période ducale (911-1204)’, Les relations littéraires franco-scandinaves au Moyen Age: Actes du Colloque de Liège (avril 1972), pages 193-215. Bibliothèque de la Faculté de philosophie et lettres de l’Université de Liège, 208. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1975.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Le satiriste Garnier de Rouen et son milieu (début du XI siècle)’, Revue du Moyen Age latin 10 (1954): pages 237-266.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Rouen et l’Angleterre vers l’an Mil: Du nouveau sur le satiriste Garnier et l’école litteraire de Rouen au temps de Richard II.’ AN 24 (1974): pages 287-290.

Natumewicz, C. F. ‘Freculphus of Lisieux, His Chronicle and a Mont Saint-Michel Manuscript.’ Horae Eruditae et Codices sancti Michaelis de periculo maris, pages 90-134. Steenbrugge: 1966.

Otter, Monika. ‘1066: The Moment of Transition in Two Narratives of the Norman Conquest’, Speculum 74 (1999): pages 565-86.

Paris, Gaston. ‘La chanson de La vengeance de Rioul ou de La mort de Guillaume Longue-épée’, Romania 18 (1888): pages 276-80.

Paris, Gaston. La littérature normande avant l’annexation (912-1204). Paris: Émile Bouillon, 1899.

Patterson, Robert B. ‘William of Malmesbury’s Robert of Gloucester: A Re-evaluation of the Historia Novella.’ American Historical Review 70 (1965): pages 983-997.

Renaud, Jean. ‘Le mythe du Viking chez les Normands’, Études Germaniques 50 (1995): pages 671-78.

Richard, Jean-Claude ‘Les ‘miracula’ composés en Normandie aux XIe et XIIe siècles.’ Positions des thèses, École des chartes (1975): pages 183-189.

Rouse, Mary A. and Richard H. Rouse. ‘Potens in opere et sermone: Philip, Bishop of Bayeux, and His Books.’ Authentic Witnesses: Approaches to Medieval Texts and Manuscripts, Publications in Medieval Studies, 17. Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1991.

Searle, Eleanor. ‘Possible History’, Speculum 61 (1986): pages 779-786.

Shopkow, Leah. History and Community: Norman Historical Writing in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries. Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1997.

Straeten, J. van der. ‘L’auteur des vies de S. Hughes et de S. Aychadre.’ Analecta Bollandiana 88 (1970): pages 63-73.

West, Francis James ‘The Colonial History of the Norman Conquest?’ History 84 (1999): pages 219-36.

Wood, Ian. ‘Saint-Wandrille and Its Hagiography’, Church and Chronicle in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to John Taylor, pages 1-14, editors Ian Wood and G. A. Loud. London: Hambledon Press, 1991.

Dudo of Saint-Quentin

Albu (Hanawalt), Emily. ‘Dudo of Saint-Quentin: The Heroic Past Imagined.’ HSJ 6 (1994): pages 111-118.

Bouet, Pierre. ‘Dudon de Saint-Quentin et Virgile: L’Enéideau service de la cause normande.’ Recueil d’études en hommage à Lucien Musset, pages 215-236, Cahier des AN, 23. Caen: Musée de Normandie, 1990.

Bouet, Pierre. ‘Dudon de Saint-Quentin et le martyre de Guillaume Longue Épée’, in SNM, pages 237-58.

Carozzi, Claude. ‘Des Daces aux Normands: Le mythe et l’identification d’un peuple chez Dudon de Saint-Quentin.’ Peuples du Moyen Age: Problèmes d’identification, editors Claude Carozzi and Huguette Taviani-Carozzi. Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, 1996.

Duby, Georges. Le souvenir des aïeules, Dames du XIIe siècle 2. Paris: Gallimard, 1995, chapter on Dudo.

Dudone di San Quintino:  Sono qui raccolte le relazioni tenute dagli intervenuti al Convegno su Dudone di San Quintino, organizzato a Trento dal Dipartimento di scienze filologiche e storiche dell’Universita atesina il 5 e 6 maggio 1994, editors Paolo Gatti, and Antonella Degl’Innocenti. Labirinti, 16, Trent: Universita degli studi di Trento, 1995.  Contains:  Karsten Friis-Jensen, ‘Dudo of St. Quentin and Saxo Gramaticus’; Marcello Meli, ‘Dudone di S. Quintino e la preistoria vichinga’; Francine Mora, ‘Dudon de Saint-Quentin et ses deux traducteurs français, Wace et Benoît’; Lars Boje Mortensen, ‘Stylistic Choice in a Reborn Genre:  The National Histories of Widekund of Corvey and Dudo of St. Quentin’; Bernhard Pabst, ‘Dudo und dir prosimetrische Tradition’; Fabio Stok, ‘Il mondo geo-antropico di Dudone’; Peter Stotz, ‘Beobachtungen zur Intertextualität an den Gedichteinlangen in der Normannen-geschichte Dudos von St-Quentin.’

Fauroux, Marie. ‘Deux autographes de Dudon de Saint-Quentin (1011, 1015)’, Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes 111 (1953): c.229.

Howorth, Henry. ‘A Criticism of the Life of Rollo as Told by Dudo of St Quentin’, Archaeologia 45 (1880): pages 235-250.

Huisman, Gerda. ‘Notes on the Manuscript Tradition of Dudo of St. Quentin’s Gesta Normannorum’, ANS 6 (1983): pages 122-136.

Jordan, Victoria B. ‘The Role of Kingship in Tenth-Century Normandy: Hagiography of Dudo of Saint-Quentin.’ HSJ 3 (1991): pages 53-62.

Lifshitz, Felice. ‘Dudo’s Historical Narrative and the Norman Succession of 996’, JMH 20 (1994): pages 101-120.

Lot, Ferdinand. ‘La guerre normande:  Autorité de Dudon de Saint-Quentin’, Les derniers Carolingiens:  Lothaire, Louis V, Charles de Lorraine (954-991), pages 346-357, Bibliothèque de l’École des hautes études 87. Paris: Émile Bouillon, 1891.

Prentout, Henri. Étude critique sur Dudon de Saint-Quentin et son histoire des premiers ducs normands. Paris: Picard, 1916.

Renoux, Annie. ‘Châteaux normands du Xe siècle dans le De moribus et actis primorum Normanniae ducum, de Dudon de Saint-Quentin.’ Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire médiévales en l’honneur du Doyen Michel de Boüard, pages 327-346. Mémoires et Documents publiés par la Société de l’École des Chartes, 27. Geneva: Droz, 1982.

Searle, Eleanor. ‘Fact and Pattern in Heroic History: Dudo of Saint-Quentin.’ Viator 15 (1984): pages 119-137.

Shopkow, Leah. ‘The Carolingian World of Dudo of Saint-Quentin’, JMH 15 (1989): pages 19-37.

Leah Shopkow, History and Community: Norman Historical Writing in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Washington D.C.: Catholic University of America Press, 1997)

William of Poitiers

Bouet, Pierre. ‘La felicitas de Guillaume le Conquérant dans les Gesta Guillelmi de Guillaume de Poitiers’, ANS 4 (1981): pages 37-52.

Davis, R. H. C. ‘William of Poitiers and His History of William the Conqueror’, in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Richard William Southern, pages 71-100, editors R. H. C. Davis and J. M. Wallace-Hadrill. Oxford: OUP, 1981.

Flori, Jean. ‘Principes et milites chez Guillaume de Poitiers: Étude sémantique et idéologique.’ Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire 64 (1986): pages 217-233.

William of Jumièges and the Gesta Normannorum Ducum

Hollander, Paul d’ ‘Guillaume de Jumièges et les ducs de Normandie’, in La Normandie bénédictine au temps de Guillaume le Conquérant (XIe siècle), pages 479-483. Lille: Facultés Catholiques de Lille, 1967.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘The Gesta Normannorum Ducum: A History without an End.’ ANS 3 (1980): pages 106-118.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van ‘Guillaume le Conquérant selon l’Histoire des ducs de Normandie par Guillaume de Jumièges.’ Bulletin des amis de l’Abbaye du Bec (1988): pages 22-32.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘The Political Relations between Normandy and England before 1066 According to the Gesta Normannorum Ducum’, Les mutations socio-culturelles au tournant des XIe-XIIe siècles: Études anselmiennes (IVe Session), pages 85-97, editor Raymonde Foreville, Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1984.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘Quelques remarques sur les interpolations attribuées à Orderic Vital dans les Gesta Normannorum Ducum de Guillaume de Jumiège’, Revue d’Histoire des Textes 8 (1978): pages 213-222.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van, and Jos M. M. Hermans ‘The History of a Membrum disiectum of the Gesta Normannorum Ducum, now Vatican Reg. Lat. 733, fol. 51’, Mededelingen van het Nederlands Instituut te Rome/Papers of the Dutch Institute in Rome 9 (1982): pages 79-94; 10 (1983): pages 219-226.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘The Adaptation of the Gesta Normannorum ducum by Wace and Benoît.’, in Non Nova sed Nove: Mélanges de civilisation médiévale dédiés à Willem Noomen, edited by Martin Gosman and Jaap van Os, pages 115-25. Mediaevalia Groningana 5. Groningen: Boumas Boekhuis, 1984.

Jäschke, Kurt-Ulrich ‘Die Englandfrage in den Gesta Normannorum ducum des Wilhelm von Jumiège’, in Festschrift für Helmut Beumann zum 65, Geburtstag, edited by Kurt-Ulrich Jäschke and Reinhard Wenskus, pages 236-62, Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1977.

Renoux, Annie. ‘Wilhelm von Jumièges.’, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 9: pages 171-172. Munich: Artemis, 1998.

The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio

Barlow, Frank. ‘The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio’, Studies in International History: Studies Presented to W. Norton Medlicott, pages 35-67, editors K. Bourne and D. C. Watt, London: Longman, 1967.

Davis, R. H. C. ‘The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio.’ EHR 83 (1978): pages 241-261.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘Latin Poetry and the Anglo-Norman Court, 1066-1135: The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio.’ JMH 15 (1989): pages 39-62.

Orlandi, Giovanni. ‘Some Afterthoughts on the Carmen de Hastingae Proelio’, in Media latinitas:  A Collection of Essays to Mark the Occasion of the Retirement of L. J. Engels, edited by R. I. A. Nip and Elisabeth M. C. van Houts, pages 117-27, Instrumenta patristica 28. Turnhout: Brepols, 1996.

Orderic Vitalis

Bouet, Pierre. ‘Orderic Vital, lecteur critique de Guillaume de Poitiers’, in Mediaevalia Christiana XIe-XIIe siècles: Hommage à Raymonde Foreville, edited by Coloman Étienne Viola, pages 25-50. Paris: Éditions Universitaires, 1989.

Bredel, Nathalie. La femme dans l’Histoire ecclésiastique d’Ordéric Vital, Thèse de doctorat, Université de Rouen, 1992.

Chibnall, Marjorie. ‘Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigni’, Millénaire monastique du Mont Saint-Michel, 2: pages 133-139, two volumes. Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1967.

Chibnall, Marjorie. ‘Feudal Society in Orderic Vitalis’, ANS 1 (1978): pages 35-48.

Chibnall, Marjorie, The World of Orderic Vitalis, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984

Chibnall, Marjorie. ‘Orderic Vitalis on Castles’, in Studies in Medieval History Presented to R. Allen Brown, edited by Christopher Harper-Bill, Christopher J. Holdsworth, and Janet L. Nelson, pages 43-56. Woodbridge: Boydell, 1989.

Chibnall, Marjorie. ‘Women in Orderic Vitalis’, Haskins Society Journal 2 (1990): pages 105-21.

Chibnall, Marjorie. ‘A Twelfth-Century View of the Historical Church: Orderic Vitalis’, in The Church Retrospective, edited by R. N. Swanson, pages 115-34, Studies in Church History 33. Woodbridge: Boydell, 1997.

Labbé, Catherine. La parenté dans l’Histoire ecclésiastique d’Ordéric Vital, Thèse de doctorat, Université de Rouen, 1991.

Musset, Lucien. ‘L’horizon géographique, moral et intellectuel d’Orderic Vital, historien anglo-normand’, La chronique et l’histoire au Moyen Age, pages 101-122. Editor Daniel Poiron. Cultures et civilisations médiévales, 2. Paris: Presses de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1984.

Orderic Vital et l’abbaye de Saint Evroul: Notices et travaux publiés en l’honneur de l’historien normand, Alençon: Imprimerie Alençonnaise, 1912.

Ray, Roger D. ‘Orderic Vitalis on Henry I: Theocratic Ideology and Didactic Narrative’, in Contemperory Reflections on Medieval Christian Tradition: Essays in Honor of Ray C. Petry, edited by George H. Shriver, pages 119-34. Durham: Duke University Press, 1974.

Thompson, Kathleen. ‘Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Bellême’, JMH 20 (1994): pages 133-141.

Robert of Torigny

Chibnall, Marjorie. ‘Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigni’, Millénaire monastique du Mont Saint-Michel, 2: pages 133-139, two volumes, Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1967.

Foreville, Raymonde. ‘Robert de Torigni et ‘Clio’’, in Millénaire monastique du Mont Saint-Michel, 2: pages 141-153. Paris: P. Lethielleux, 1967.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van. ‘Robert of Torigni as Genealogist’, in Studies in Medieval History Presented to R. Allen Brown, pages 215-233, editors Christopher Harper-Bill, Christopher J. Holdsworth and Janet Nelson. Woodbridge: Boydell, 1990.

Keats-Rohan, K. S. B. ‘Aspects of Robert of Torigny’s Genealogies Revisited.’ Nottingham Medieval Studies 37 (1993): pages 21-27.

Schnith, Karl. ‘Robert von Torigny’, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 7: pages 912-913. Munich: Artemis, 1995.

Tuesday 26 February 2008

The Normans in Normandy: Bibliography--Secondary Sources 1

General

There are two valuable general introductions to medieval history: Laolo Delogu Introduzione allo studio della storia medievale, Bologna, 1994; translated by Matthew Moran An Introduction to Medieval History, Duckworth, (2002) and Olivier Guyotjeannin Les source de l’histoire medievale, Paris, 1998. Guiseppe Sergi L’Idee de Moyen Age: entre sens commun et pratigue historique, Paris, 1998 is valuable on what ‘the Middle Ages’ actually means.

For an introduction to the context of the West Frankish kingdoms, the best general political narrative remains the relevant volumes of the old but not yet superceded Annales de l’histoire de France a l’époque carolingienne series: Auguste Eckel, Charles le Simple, Bibliothèque de l’École des hautes études 124, Paris: Émile Bouillon, 1899; Philippe Lauer, Robert Ier et Raoul de Bourgogne, rois de France, 923–936, BÉHÉ 188 Paris: Émile Bouillon, 1910; Philippe Lauer, Le règne de Louis IV, BÉHÉ 127 Paris: Émile Bouillon, 1900; Ferdinand Lot, Les derniers Carolingiens, Lothaire, Louis V, Charles de Lorraine (954–991), BÉHÉ 87 Paris: Émile Bouillon, 1891. Briefer but more up-to-date are Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Kingdoms under the Carolingians London: Longman, 1983 and the earlier chapters of Jean Dunbabin, France in the Making, 843–1180 Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985, 2nd ed., 2001 and Elizabeth M. Hallam and Judith Everard Capetian France 987-1328, 2nd ed., Harlow: Longman, 2001.

A Companion to the Anglo-Norman World, edited by Christopher Harper-Bill and Elisabeth Van Houts, Woodbridge: Boydell, 2003

Andrieu-Guitrancourt, Pierre. Histoire de l’empire normand et de sa civilisation. Paris: Payot, 1952.

Bachrach, Bernard S. ‘Normandy’, in Medieval England: An Encyclopedia, edited by Paul E. Szarmach, M. Teresa Tavormina and Joel T. Rosenthal, pages 548-49. New York: Garland, 1998.

Bates, David. ‘The Rise and Fall of Normandy, c. 911-1204’, in England and Normandy in the Middle Ages, edited by David Bates and Anne Curry, pages 19-36. London: Hambledon Press, 1994.

Bates, David. ‘West Francia:  The Northern Principalities’, in The New Cambridge Medieval History, Volume 3, edited by Timothy Reuter, pages 398-419, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999.

Boüard, Michel de ‘De la Neustrie carolingienne à la Normandie féodale: Continuité ou discontinuité?’ Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 28 (1955): pages 1-14.

Brown, R. Allen. The Normans, Woodbridge: Boydell, 1984.

Brown, R. Allen. The Normans and the Norman Conquest, 2nd ed. Woodbridge: Boydell, 1985.

Chibnall, Marjorie. The Normans, Oxford: Blackwell, 2001.

Congrès du millénaire de la Normandie (911-1911): Comte rendu des travaux, two volumes. Rouen: Léon Gy, 1912.

Crouch, David The Normans, London: Hambledon Press, 2002

Dastugue, Jean, and Armelle Alduc-Le Bagousse ‘Le peuplement de la Basse-Normandie de l’époque néolithique au IXe siècle’, in Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire médiévales en l’honneur du Doyen Michel de Boüard, pages 75-82. Mémoires et Documents publiés par la Société de l’École des chartes 27. Geneva: Droz, 1982.

England and Normandy in the Middle Ages, editors David Bates and Anne Curry. London: Hambledon Press, 1994.

Histoire de la Normandie, edited Michel de Boüard. Toulouse: Privat, 1970, 2nd. ed, 2001.

Le Patourel, John. The Norman Empire. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976, reprinted, Sandpiper, 1996.

Le Patourel, John. ‘Normans and Normandy’, in Dictionary of the Middle Ages, edited by Joseph R. Strayer, pages 159-70, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1987.

Lifshitz, Felice. ‘La Normandie carolingienne: Essai sur la continuité, avec utilisation de sources négligées’, AN 48 (1998): pages 505-24.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Essai sur le peuplement de la Normandie (VIe-XIIe siècle)’, Nordica, pages 389-402.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Naissance de la Normandie (Ve-XIe siècles)’, in Histoire de la Normandie, pages 75-130. Editor Michel de Boüard. Toulouse: Privat, 1970.

Musset, Lucien. Nordica et Normannica:  Recueil d’études sur la Scandinavie ancienne et médiévale, les expéditions des Vikings et la fondation de la Normandie, Studia nordica 1. Paris: Société des études nordiques, 1997.

La Neustrie: Les pays au nord de la Loire de 650 à 850 (Colloque historique international), editor Hartmut Atsma, two volumes.  Beihefte der Francia 16.  Sigmaringen:  Jan Thorbecke, 1989.

La Neustrie: Les pays au nord de la Loire de Dagobert à Charles le Chauve, edited by Patrick Périn and Laure-Charlotte Feffer. Rouen: Musées et monuments départementaux de Seine-Maritime, 1985.

Neveux, François. La Normandie des ducs aux rois (Xe-XIIx siècle). Rennes: Ouest-France, 1998.

Neveux, François. ‘Quelques aspects de l’impérialisme Normand au IXe siècle en Italie et en Angleterre’, in Méditerranée pages 51-62.

Les normands en Méditerranée, edited by Pierre Bouet and François Neveux, Colloque de Cerisy-la-Salle. Caen: Université de Caen, 1994.

Potts, Cassandra. ‘Normandy’, in Medieval France: An Encyclopedia, edited by William W. Kibler and Grover A. Zinn, pages 668-72. New York: Garland, 1995.

Prentout, Henri. Essai sur les origines et la fondation du duché de Normandie. Paris: Honoré Champion, 1911.

Renault du Motey, Vicomte Henry. Origines de la Normandie et du duché d’Alençon: Histoire des quatre premiers ducs de Normandie et des Talvas, princes de Bellême, seigneurs d’Alençon, de Sées, de Domfront, du Passais et du Saosnois, précédée d’une étude sur le diocèse de Sées au IXe siècle, de l’an 850 à l’an 1085. Paris: Picard, 1920.

Renoux, Annie. ‘Normandie, A: Hochmittelalter’, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 6: pages 1241-1244. Munich: Artemis, 1993.

Rowley, Trevor. The Normans, Stroud: Tempus, 1999.

Webber, Nick The Evolution of Norman Identity 911-1154, Boydell, 2005 is an important study of Norman identity and how its developed.

 
‘Saxon Normandy’

Alduc-le-Bagousse, Armelle ‘La présence anglo-saxonne en Basse-Normandie au VIe siècle: Colonisation ou commerce?’ in Le phénomène des ‘grandes invasions’: Réalité ethnique ou échanges culturels, l’anthropologie au secours de l’histoire (Actes des Ières journées anthropologiques de Valbonne, 16-18 avril 1981), pages 51-61. Valbonne: Centre de Recherches Archéologiques, 1983.

Fournée, Jean. ‘Deux Saxons de Bayeux: Saint Évreux et saint Marcoul.’ Cahiers Léopold Delisle 17, no. 3-4 (1968): pages 35-54.

Guinet, Louis. Contribution à l’étude des établissements saxons en Normandie, Caen: Faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de l’Université de Caen, 1967.

Levalet, Daniel. ‘Un élément du Litus Saxonum dans la région d’Avranches?’ in Recueil d’études offert en hommage au doyen Michel du Boüard, pages 361-75. Caen: Annales de Normandie, 1982.

Lorren, C. ‘Des Saxons en Basse-Normandie au VIe siècle: A propos de quelques découvertes archéologiques funéraires faites récemment dans la basse vallée de l’Orne’, in Studien zur Sachsenforschung, edited by Hans-Jurgen Hassler, 2: pages 231-259. Hildesheim: Lax, 1980.

Masselin, l’Abbé. ‘Les garrisons du Littus Saxonicum dans la Notitia Dignitatum.’ Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie 32 (1917): pages 37-59.

Moulin, H. ‘Établissement des Saxons sur les côtes de l’Armorique en générale et dans la deuxième Lyonnaise en particulier.’ Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie 8 (1876-1878): pages 26-53.

Pilet, Christian. ‘Quelques témoignages de la présence anglo-saxonne dans le Calvados, Basse-Normandie (France)’ Frühmittelalterliche Studien 13 (1979): pages 357-81.

Prentout, Henri. ‘Litus saxonicum, Saxones Bajocassini, Otlinga Saxonia’, Revue historique 57 (1911): pages 285-309.

Sauvage, R. N. ‘La question de l’Otlinga Saxonia.’ Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie 29 (1913-1914): pages 33-42.

Travers, Émile. ‘Une voie saxonne à Caen’, Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie 7 (1874-1875): pages 179-85.

The Vikings in Normandy (and elsewhere)

Albu (Hanawalt), Emily. ‘Scandinavians in Byzantium and Normandy’, in Peace and War in Byzantium: Essays in Honor of George T. Dennis, S.J., pages 114-122, editors Timothy S. Miller and John Nesbitt. Washington D.C.: Catholic University Press, 1995.

Amory, Frederic. ‘The Dönsk Tunga in Early Medieval Normandy: A Note’, in American Indian and Indoeuropean Studies: Papers in Honor of Madison S. Beeler, pages 279-290, editors Kathryn Klar, Margaret Langdon and Shirley Silver. The Hague: Mouton, 1980.

Boüard, Michel de ‘Du nouveau sur les Vikings? A propos de quelques travaux récents’, Annales de Normandie 5 (1955): pages 3-13.

Breese, Lauren Wood ‘The Persistence of Scandinavian Connections in Normandy in the Tenth and Early Eleventh Centuries’, Viator 8 (1977): pages 47-61.

Bröndal, Viggo. ‘Le normand et la langue des Vikings’, Normannia 3 (1930): pages 747-753.

Corbett, William John. ‘The Development of the Duchy of Normandy and the Norman Conquest of England’, Contest of Empire and Papacy, pages 481-520, editors J. R. Tanner, C. W. Previté, and Z. N. Brooke, corrected edition, The Cambridge Medieval History 5. Cambridge: CUP, 1943.

Coupland, Simon ‘The Rod of God’s Wrath or the People of God’s Wrath? The Carolingian Theology of the Viking Invasions’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42 (1991): pages 535-554.

Douglas, David C. The Norman Achievement, 1050-1100, Methuen, 1969.

Douglas, David C. The Norman Fate, 1100-1154, Berkeley: Methuen, 1976.

Dubois, Thomas A, Nordic Religions in the Viking Age, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999.

Elisabeth Deniaux, Claude Lorren, Pierre Bauduin and Thomas Jarry La Normandie avant les Normands de la conquête romaine a l’ arrivée des Viking, Rennes, 2002

Gilmore, Carroll.  ‘War on the Rivers:  Viking Numbers and Mobility on the Seine and Loire, 841-886.’ Viator 19 (1988):  pages 80-109.

Haenens, Albert d’ ‘Les invasions normandes dans l’Empire franc au IXe siècle’, I Normanni e la loro espansione in Europa nell’alto medioevo, Settimane 16. Spoleto: Presso la Sede del Centro, 1969, pages 233-298, 581-588

Haenens, Albert d’ Les invasions normandes, une catastrophe?, Paris: Flammarion, 1970.

Lund, Niels ‘The Settlers: Where Do We Get Them From - and Do We Need Them?’ Proceedings of the Eighth Viking Congress, Århus 24-31 August 1977, pages 147-171, edited Hans Bekker-Nielsen, Peter Foote and Olaf Olsen, Mediaeval Scandinavia Supplements, 2. Odense: Odense University Press, 1981.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Participation de Vikings venus des pays celtes à la colonisation scandinave de la Normandie.’ Cahiers du Centre de recherches sur les Pays du Nord 1 (1978): pages 107-117.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Pour l’étude des relations entre les colonies scandinaves d’Angleterre et de Normandie.’ Mélanges de linguistique et de philologie Fernand Mossé in memoriam, pages 330-339. Paris: Didier, 1959.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Pour l’étude comparitive de deux fondations politiques des Vikings: Le royaume d’York et le duché de Rouen.’ Northern History 10 (1975): pages 40-54.

Périn, Patrick. ‘Les objets vikings du Musée des Antiquités de la Seine-Maritime, à Rouen’, in Recueil d’études en hommage à Lucien Musset, pages 161-88, Cahier des Annales de Normandie 23 23. Caen: Musée de Normandie, 1990.

Planchon, Michel. Quand la Normandie était aux Vikings. Paris: Fayard, 1978.

Renaud, Jean. Les Vikings et la Normandie. Rennes: Ouest-France, 1989.

Sawyer, Peter H. ‘Conquest and Colonization: Scandinavians in the Danelaw and in Normandy.’ Proceedings of the Eighth Viking Congress, Århus 24-31 August 1977, pages 123-131, editors Hans Bekker-Nielsen, Peter Foote and Olaf Olsen, Mediaeval Scandinavia Supplements, 2. Odense: Odense University Press, 1981.

Searle, Eleanor. ‘Frankish Rivalries and Norse Warriors’, ANS 8 (1985): pages 198-213.

Steenstrup, Johannes. ‘Études préliminaires pour servir à l’histoire des Normands et de leurs invasions.’ BSAN 10 (1882): pages 185-418.

Stenton, Frank M. ‘The Scandinavian Colonies in England and Normandy’, TRHS 4th series, no. 27 (1945): pages 1-12.

Vogel, Walther. Die Normannen und das fränkische Reiche bis zur Gründung der Normandie (799-911), Heidelberger Ubhandlungen zur mitteren und neueren Geschichte, 14. Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1906.

Zettel, Horst. Das Bild der Normannen und der Normanneneinfälle in westfränkischen, ostfränkischen und angelsächsischen Quellen des 8. bis 11. Jahrhunderts. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 1977.

The ducal period (911-1066)

Albert-Petit, A. ‘Le millénaire de la Normandie: Le traité de Saint-Clair-sur-Epte.’ Revue des deux mondes 30 (1911): pages 295-327.

Bates, David. Normandy before 1066. London: Longman, 1982, 2nd edition, Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 2003.

Bauduin, Pierre. ‘Aux origines du duché de Normandie’, Bulletin de l’Office Universitaire d’Études Normandes, no. 7 (January 1999): pages 11-12.

Deuve, Jean. La fondation du duché de Normandie. Condé-sur-Noireau: Charles Corlet, 1997.

Douglas, David C. ‘The Rise of Normandy.’ Proceedings of the British Academy (1947): pages 95-119, reprinted in D C Douglas Time and the Hour: Some Collected Papers of David C Douglas, London, Methuen, 1977, pages 95-110.

Douglas, David C. ‘Some Problems of Early Norman Chronology.’ EHR 65 (1950), pages 289-303.

Houts, Elisabeth M. C. van ‘Normandy and Byzantium in the Eleventh Century.’ Byzantion 55 (1985): pages 544-559.

Kienast, Walther. Studien über die französischen Volksstämme des Frühmittelalters, Pariser historische Studien, 7. Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1968.

Körner, Sten The Battle of Hastings, England, and Europe, 1035- 1066, Bibliotheca Historica Lundensis, 14. Lund: Geerups, 1964.

Neveux, François. ‘La fondation de la Normandie et les Bretons’, in Mondes de l’Ouest et villes du monde: Regards sur les sociétés médiévales (Mélanges en l’honneur d’André Chédeville), edited by Catherine Laurent, Bernard Merdrignac, and Daniel Pichot, pages 297-309. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 1998.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Les apports anglais en Normandie de Rollon à Guillaume le Conquérant (911-1066)’, Publications de l’Association des médiévistes anglicistes 4 (1977): pages 59-82.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Ce que l’on peut savoir du Traité de Saint-Clair-sur-Epte’, Annuaire des cinq departements de la Normandie 139 (1981): pages 79-82.

Neveux, François. ‘La fondation de la Normandie et les Bretons’, in Mondes de l’Ouest et villes du monde: Regards sur les sociétés médiévales (Mélanges en l’honneur d’André Chédeville), edited by C. Laurent, B. Merdrignac, and D. Pichot, 297-309. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 1998.

Searle, Eleanor Predatory Kinship and the Creation of Norman Power, 840-1066. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. The book was reviewed by Donald C. Jackman in Ius Commune 18 (1991): pages 374-377.

Steenstrup, Johannes. Normandiets Historie under de syv første Hertuger, 911-1066, Mémoires de l’Académie royale des sciences et des lettres de Danemark, 7me série, Section des Lettres, 5.1. Copenhagen: Andr Fred, Høst & Søn, 1925.

The Anglo-Norman period (1066-1154)

Bates, David. ‘Normandy and England after 1066’, EHR 104 (1989): pages 851-80.

Chartrou, Josèphe. L’Anjou de 1109 à 1151: Foulque de Jerusalem et Geoffroi Plantegenêt. Paris: PUF, 1928.

Chibnall, Marjorie. ‘Normandy.’ The Anarchy of Stephen’s Reign, pages 93-115. Editor Edmund King. Oxford: OUP, 1994.

Chibnall, Marjorie The World of Orderic Vitalis. Oxford: OUP, 1984.

Crouch, David. ‘Normans and Anglo-Normans: A Divided Aristocracy?’ in England and Normandy in the Middle Ages, pages 51-68, editors David Bates and Anne Curry. London: Hambledon Press, 1994.

Garnett, George. ‘‘Franci et Angli’: The Legal Distinction between Peoples after the Conquest.’ ANS 8 (1985): pages 109-137.

Green, Judith A. ‘Unity and Disunity in the Anglo-Norman State.’ Historical Research 68 (1989): pages 115-134.

Helmerichs, Robert. ‘King Stephen’s Norman Itinerary, 1137.’ HSJ 5 (1993): pages 89-97.

Hollister, C. Warren. ‘The Anglo-Norman Succession Debate of 1126: Prelude to Stephen’s Anarchy.’ JMH 1 (1975): pages 19-39, reprinted in C Warren Hollister Monarchy, Magnates and Institutions in the Anglo-Norman World, London: Hambledon Press, 1986, pages 145-170.

Hollister, C. Warren. ‘Normandy, France and the Anglo-Norman Regnum’, Speculum 51 (1976): pages 202-242, reprinted in C Warren Hollister Monarchy, Magnates and Institutions in the Anglo-Norman World, London: Hambledon Press, 1986, pages 17-58.

Le Patourel, John. ‘The Norman Colonization of Britain’, I Normanni e la loro espansione in Europa nell’alto medioevo, Settimane 16. Spoleto: Presso la Sede del Centro, 1969, pages 409-438.

Le Patourel, John. ‘Norman Kings or Norman ‘King-Dukes’?’, Droit privé et institutions régionales: Études historiques offertes à Jean Yver, pages 469-479, editors Robert Aubreton, Robert Carabie, Olivier Guillot and Lucien Musset. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1976.

Le Patourel, John. Normandy and England 1066-1144. Stenton Lecture. Reading: University of Reading, 1970, reprinted in John Le Patourel Feudal Empires: Norman and Plantagenet, edited by Michael Jones, London: Hambledon Press, 1984.

Le Patourel, John. ‘What Did Not Happen in Stephen’s Reign?’ History 58 (1973): pages 1-17.

Leyser, Karl. ‘The Anglo-Norman Succession 1120-1125.’ ANS 13 (1990): pages 225-241.

Rulers

Bouet, Pierre. ‘Le patronage architectural des ducs de Normandie’, in L’architecture normande au Moyen Age, pages 349-67, Colloque de Cerisy-la-Salle 1994. Caen: Université de Caen, 1997.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Les sépultures des souverains normands:  Un aspect de l’idéologie du pouvoir.’ APDN, pages 19-44.

Deville, Achille. ‘Dissertation sur l’étendue des terres concédées à Rollon par le traité de Saint-Clair-sur-Epte’, Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie 7 (1833): pages 47-69.

Douglas, David C. ‘Rollo of Normandy.’ EHR 57 (1942): pages 417-436, reprinted in D C Douglas Time and the Hour: Some Collected Papers of David C Douglas, London, Methuen, 1977, pages 121-140.

Musset, Lucien. ‘L’origine de Rollon’, Annuaire des cinq departements de la Normandie 139 (1981): pages 111-114.

Richard, Isabelle. Rollon, premier duc de Normandie: Légende et réalité. Thèse, Université de Paris IV, 1993.

Richard, Isabelle. ‘Rollon, premier duc de Normandie et son mythe’, Études Germaniques 50 (1995): 691-98.

Saint-Pierre, Louis de. Rollon devant l’histoire (les origines), Paris: J. Peyronnet, 1949.

Lair, Jules. Étude sur la vie et la mort de Guillaume Longue-épée, duc de Normandie. Paris: Picard, 1893.

Choffel, Jacques. Richard sans peur, duc de Normandie (932-996), Paris: Fernand Lanore, 1999.

Breese, Lauren Wood Richard II, Duke of Normandy, Ph.D dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles, 1967

Prentout, Henri. ‘Le règne de Richard II duc de Normandie, 996-1027: Son importance dans l’histoire.’ Academie nationale de sciences arts et belles-lettres de Caen 5 (1929): pages 57-104.

Stafford, Pauline. Queen Emma and Queen Edith:  Queenship and Women’s Power in Eleventh Century England. Oxford: Blackwell, 1997.

Prentout, Henri. ‘Notes d’histoire du Moyen Age, 3: Date de la mort de ces princes (Richard II et Richard III).’ BSAN 33 (1918): pages 212-225.

Aird, William M. ‘Frustrated Masculinity:  The Relationship between William the Conqueror, and His Son Robert Curthose’, in Masculinity in Medieval Europe, edited by Dawn Hadley, pages 39-55. London: Longman, 1999.

Choffel, Jacques. Robert de Normandie:  Le duc aux courtes bottes. Paris: Fernand Lanore, 1981.

David, Charles Wendell. Robert Curthose, Duke of Normandy, Harvard Historical Studies, 25. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1920.

Green, Judith. ‘Robert Curthose Reassessed.’ Anglo-Norman Studies 22, pages 95-116 (1999).

Le Hardy, Gaston. ‘Le dernier des Ducs Normands: Étude critique et historique sur Robert Courte-Heuse.’ BSAN 10 (1882): pages 1-184.

William the Conqueror

Bates, David William the Conqueror. London: George Philip, 1989, reissued, Tempus 2002.

Bouvris, Jean-Michel ‘Le 9 septembre 1087, mourait Guillaume le Conquérant’, Société des sciences, arts et belles-lettres de Bayeux 29 (1987): pages 89-101.

Boüard, Michel de. Guillaume le Conquérant. Paris: Fayard, 1984.

Boüard, Michel de ‘Note sur l’appelation ‘Guillaume le Conquérant’’, in Studies in Medieval History Presented to R. Allen Brown, pages 21-26, editors Christopher Harper-Bill, Christopher J. Holdsworth and Janet L. Nelson. Woodbridge: Boydell, 1989.

Douglas, David C. William the Conqueror. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1964, revised edition Yale University Press, 1996, introduction by Frank Barlow.

Hubert, Madeleine. Le grande chevauchée de Guillaume le Bâtard: Du nouveau sur l’aventure de 1047. Condé-sur-Noireau: Charles Corlet, 1987.

Lepelley, Georges. ‘Le jeunesse de Guillaume le Conquérant’, Études Normandes 59-60 (1966): pages 57-64.

Zumthor, Paul. Guillaume le Conquérant. Paris: Hachette, 1964.

Normandy

Frontiers

Bauduin, Pierre. La frontière normande aux Xe-XIe siècles:  Origin et maîtrise politique de la frontière sur les confins de la Haute-Normandie (911-1087), Thèse de doctorat, Université de Caen, 1998.

Bauduin, Pierre La Première Normandie. Sur les frontières de la Haute-Normandie: identité et construction d’une principauté, Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 2003.

Lefèvre, Simone. ‘La défense de la frontière normande et l’aménagement de la forêt d’Yveline par les seigneurs de Montfort’, in La Lorraine: Études archéologiques, pages 193-203. Actes du congrès national des sociétés savantes, section d’archéologie et d’histoire d’art 103. Paris: Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, 1980.

Lewis, Andrew W. ‘Observations sur la frontière franco-normande.’ Le roi de France et son royaume autour de l’an Mil, pages 147-154, editors Michel Parisse and Xavier Barral i Altet. Paris: Picard, 1992.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Considerations sur la genèse et la trace des frontières de la Normandie.’ Media in Francia: Recueil de mélanges offert à Karl Ferdinand Werner, pages 309-318. Maulévrier: Hérault, 1989.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Les frontières méridionales de la Normandie’, Annuaire des cinq départements de la Normandie 147 (1989): pages 63-67.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Normandie et Beauvaisis: Sur leur frontière, Gerberoy et sa région depuis le XIe siècle.’ Annuaire des cinq départements de la Normandie 148 (1990): pages 65-70.

Power, D. J. ‘What Did the Frontier of Angevin Normandy Comprise?’ ANS 17 (1994): pages 181-202.

Regions

Beauchesne, Marquis de ‘Le Passais, Domfront et les comtes de Montgommery.’ Revue historique et archéologique du Maine 4 (1878): pages 294-338.

Beaurepaire, François de ‘Essai sur le Pays de Caux au temps de la première abbaye de Fécamp.’ L’Abbaye bénédictine de Fécamp: Ouvrages scientifiques du XIIIe centennaire, 658-1958, 1: pages 3-21. Fécamp: L. Durand et Fils, 1959.

Béranger, J. ‘Le ‘Pagus Madriacensis’: Son origine, son étendue, ses comtes.’ Revue catholique de Normandie 16 (1906-1907): pages 89-107.

Chesnel, Paul. Le Cotentin et l’Avranchin sous les ducs de Normandie (911-1204): Institutions et état social de la Normandie. Caen: Henri Delesques, 1912.

Deck, Suzanne. ‘Le comté d’Eu sous les ducs’, AN 4 (1954): pages 99-116.

Delacampagne, Florence. ‘Seigneurs, fiefs et mottes du Cotentin (Xe-XIIe siècles): Étude historique et topographique.’ Archéologie médiévale 12 (1982): pages 175-207.

Towns

Boussard, Jacques. ‘Bayeux’, in Lexikon des Mittelalters, 1: pages 1710-1712. Munich: Artemis, 1980.

Doranlo, R. ‘Les origines de Falaise’, Bulletin de la Société des Antiquaires de Normandie 49 (1942-1945): pages 99-137.

Formeville, H. de. Histoire de l’ancien évêché-comté de Lisieux. Brionne: Le Portulan, 1873.

Joret, Charles. ‘Caen et Rouen’, BSAN 17 (1893-1895): pages 381-92.

Laheudrie, Edmond de Bayeux, capitale du Bessin des origines à la fin de la monarchie. Bayeux: Colas, 1945.

Lille, Jean, et al. Bretteville-sur-Odon, naissance d’une commune: Histoire d’une paroisse normande, baronnie de l’abbaye du Mont Saint-Michel (Xe-XIXe siècle). Caen: Presses universitaires de Caen, 1999.

Musset, Lucien. ‘Les villes épiscopales et la naissance des églises suburbaines en Normandie’, Revue d’histoire de l’Église en France 34 (1948): pages 5-14.

‘Normanitas’

Bennett, Matthew. ‘Stereotype Normans in Old French Vernacular Literature’, ANS 9 (1986): pages 37-57.

Bliese, John R. E. ‘The Courage of the Normans:  A Comparative Study of Battle Rhetoric.’ Nottingham Medieval Studies 35 (1991): pages 1-27.

Bliese, John R. E. ‘Rhetoric and Morale:  A Study of Battle Orations from the Central Middle Ages.’ JMH 15 (1989): pages 201-226.

Bur, Michel. ‘Les comtes de Champagne et la ‘Normanitas’: Semiologie d’un tombeau.’ ANS 3 (1980): pages 22-32.

Chibnall, Marjorie. ‘‘Racial’ Minorities in the Anglo-Norman Realm’, in Minorities and Barbarians in Medieval Life and Thought, edited by Susan J. Ridyard and Robert G. Benson, pages 49-61, Sewanee Mediaeval Studies 7. Sewanee: University of the South Press, 1996.

Davis, R. H. C. The Normans and Their Myth, London: Thames & Hudson, 1976.

Loud, G. A. ‘The ‘Gens Normannorum’: Myth or Reality?’ ANS 4 (1981): pages 104-116, reprinted in G. A. Loud Conquerors and Churchmen in Norman Italy, Aldershot, Ashgate Press, 1999.

Potts, Cassandra. ‘Atque unum ex diversis gentibus populum effecit: Historical Tradition and the Norman Identity.’ ANS 18 (1995): pages 139-152.

Monday 25 February 2008

Fabian Women: some sources

Source 1

Beatrice Webb Fabian Tract No. 67: Women and the Factory Acts [February 1896], printed in Sally Alexander (ed.) Women's Fabian Tracts, Routledge, 1989, pp.17-32

The ladies who resist further legal regulation of women's labour usually declare that their objection is to special legislation applying only to women. They regard it as unfair, they say, that women's power to compete in the labour market should be 'hampered' by any regulation from which men are free. Any such restriction, they assert, results in the lowering of women's wages, and in diminishing the aggregate demand for women's work......Mrs Henry Fawcett and Miss Ada Heather-Bigg, for instance, usually speak of legal regulation as something which, whether for men or for women, decreases personal freedom, diminished productive capacity and handicaps the worker in the struggle for existence......It is frequently asserted as self-evident that any special limitation of women's labour must militate against their employment. If employers are not allowed to make their women work overtime, or during the night, they will, it is said, inevitably prefer to have men. Thus it is urged, any extension of Factory legislation to trades at presented unregulated must diminish the demand for women's labour. But this conclusion, which seems so obvious, really rests on a series of assumptions which are not borne out by the facts....The evolution of industry leads inevitably to an increased demand for women's labour. Immediately we substitute the factory with its use of steam power and production on a large scale for the sweater's den or the domestic workshop, we get that division of labour and application of machinery that is directly favourable to the employment of women.....We can now sum up the whole argument. The case for Factory legislation does not rest on harrowing tales of exceptional tyranny, though plenty of these can be furnished in support of it. It is based on the broad facts of the capitalist system and the inevitable results of the Industrial Revolution. A whole century of experience proves that where the conditions of the wage earner's life are left to be settled by 'free competition' and individual bargaining between master and man, the worker's 'freedom' is delusive. Where he bargains, he bargains at a serious disadvantage, and on many of the points most vital to himself and to the community he cannot bargain at all. The common middle-class objection of Factory legislation -- that it interferes with the individual liberty of the operative -- springs from ignorance of the economic position of the wage-earner. Far from diminishing personal freedom, Factory legislation positively increases the individual liberty and economic independence of the workers subject to it....the fear of women's exclusion from industrial employment is wholly unfounded. The uniform effect of Factory legislation in the past has been, by encouraging machinery, division of labour and production on a large scale, to increase the employment of women and largely to raise their status in the labour market. At this moment the neglect to apply the Factory Acts effectively to the domestic workshop is positively restricting the demand for women workers in the clothing trade....The real enemy of the woman worker is not the skilled male operative but the unskilled and half-hearted female 'amateur' who simultaneously blacklegs both the workshop and the home. The legal regulation of women's labour is required to protect the independent professional woman worker against these enemies of her own sex. Without this regulation it is futile to talk to her of the equality of men and women. With this regulation, experience teaches us that women can work their way in certain occupations to a man's skill, a man's wages and a man's sense of personal dignity and independence.

Source 2

B. L. Hutchins Fabian Tract No.157: The Working Life of Women, [June 1911] printed in Sally Alexander (ed.) Women's Fabian Tracts, Routledge, 1989, pp. 164-178

It is still the custom in some quarters to assert that 'the proper sphere for women is the home' and to assume that a decree of Providence or a natural law has marked off and separated the duties of men and women. Man, it is said, is the economic support and protector of the family, woman is its watchful guardian and nurse: whence it follows that the wife must be maintained by her husband in order to give her whole time to home and children....It is not very easy to summarise briefly the facts of woman's life and employment....But there are several points which seem to be of special importance. First, there is the curious fact that women, though physically weaker than men, seem to have a greater stability of nerves, a greater power of resistance to disease and a stronger hold of life altogether....On the other hand there are more female paupers and more female old-age pensioners than male and these facts seem to indicate that women on the whole are handicapped rather by their economic position than by physical disability....Normally working women seem to pass from one plane of social development to another, not once only but in many cases twice or thrice in their lives. We might distinguish these places as status and contract, or value-in-use or value-in-exchange. All children are born into a world of value-in-use; they are not, for some years at all events, valued at what their services will fetch in the market. At an age varying somewhere between eight and eighteen or twenty the working girl, like the boy, starts on an excursion into the world of competition and exchange; she sells her work for what it will fetch. This stage, the stage of the cash nexus, lasts for the majority of girls a few years only. If she marries and leaves work, she returns at once to the world of value-in-use: the work she does for husband, home and children is not paid at so much per unit, but is done for its own sake....Socialists will not fail to realise that the case of the mother of small children forced under a competitive system to do unskilful and ill-remunerated work and neglects the work that is all important for the State, viz., the care and nurture of its future citizens, is only the extreme instance of the anomaly of the whole position of women in an individualist industrial community.....

Source 3

M.A. Fabian Tract No. 175: The Economic Foundations of the Women's Movement [June 1914], printed in Sally Alexander (ed.) Women's Fabian Tracts, Routledge, 1989, pp. 256-282

Purely economic causes are never sufficient to account entirely for any great revolt of the human spirit. Behind every revolution there lies a spiritual striving, a grasping after an ideal felt rather than seen.....It was not until the nineteenth century that the demand of women for political, economic and educational freedom was heard among any considerable mass of the people. This extension of the demand for emancipation was due to economic changes, to those alterations in human control over environment which are associated with the substitution of mechanical power for human energy in the making of commodities.....different classes of women were affected very differently [by the Industrial Revolution]. Among the wealthier people attempts were made to preserve the subordination of women to the family unit, although the economic justification for that dependence had ceased. Among the poor the necessity for the women's contribution to the family income was so strong that they were drafted into the new forms of industrial life without any consideration of their powers or capacities....parasitism became the fate of the middle class women, ruthless exploitation that of the working class women....at the present time there are two main sections in the modern women's movement -- the movement of middle class women who are revolting against their exclusion from human activity and insisting, firstly, on their right to education...secondly, on their right to earn a livelihood for themselves, which is rapidly being won, and thirdly, to their right to share in the control of Government, the point round which the fight is now most fiercely raging. These women are primarily rebelling against the sex-exclusiveness of men, and regard independence and the right to work as the most valuable privilege to be striven for. On the other hand, there are the women of the working classes, who have been faced with a totally different problem, and who naturally react in a different way. Parasitism has never been forced on them...What the woman of the proletariat feels as her grievance is that her work is too long and too monotonous, the burden laid upon her too heavy...The working woman feels her solidarity with the men of her class rather than their antagonism to her. The reforms that she demands are not independence and the right to work, but rather protection against the unending burden of toil which she has laid upon her....these changes in the status of women cannot come about in our present individualistic society...It is only Socialism which can make possible throughout the whole fabric of society for the normal woman to attain her twin demands, independent work and motherhood.

Source 4

Barbara Caine 'Beatrice Webb and the Women's Question', History Workshop Journal, volume xiv, 1982, pp. 23-43

It seems to me that she [Beatrice Webb] is important for the history of feminism precisely because of her unease and hesitancy about the women's movement....[It] did not appear to address either her own deep conflicts as a woman, or the wider social questions with which she was concerned -- first as a social investigator and later as a Fabian socialist. Her diaries and published works show with extraordinary clarity the centrality of the 'woman question' to late nineteenth century thought, while at the same time revealing the narrow but important boundaries which separated feminists from non-feminists in terms of personal attitudes and political choices....She rarely commented on the movement, despite the fact that she was surrounded by both its supporters and its opponents...But it was not until her signing of the 'Appeal Against Female Suffrage', which appeared in The Nineteenth Century in June 1889, that she commented directly on the women's movement in her diaries. This disinterest is not wholly surprising. The entire thrust of the late Victorian women's movement was such as to make it appear irrelevant to someone like Beatrice Webb...enfranchisement was seen as the key to women's emancipation. For Beatrice, now deeply preoccupied with the problems of economic inequality and the need for labour organisation, this perspective seemed very narrow -- especially since it was only single propertied women for whom the vote was demanded. It was one thing, however, to feel critical of the political direction of the women's movement, but quite another to oppose it publicly, as Beatrice did in the anti-suffrage 'Appeal'. The explanation of this episode in My Apprenticeship is scarcely adequate. She referred to her signing the statement as a 'false step' taken in reaction against her father's over-valuing of women, her irritation at the continual discussion of women's rights by suffragists and the fact that she had not personally suffered from her lack of political rights....In 1906 she sent Millicent Fawcett a letter intended for publication in which she explained her reasons for her earlier opposition to the suffrage and for her change of mind. She had no belief in the abstract 'rights' of humanity, she told Fawcett; rather she viewed life as a 'series of obligations'. The exercise of these obligations on women's part might once have been seen as distinct from the exercise of political power, but now the extension of state involvement and legislation into all areas of social life rendered such a distinction invalid. The demand for women's suffrage would now be seen not as a "claim to rights or an abandonment of women's particular obligations, but a desire more effectively to fulfil their functions by sharing the control of state action in these directions"......Beatrice Webb's Fabianism provided a framework whereby her earlier ideas about the role of women and their need to serve and nurture others could be extended and socialised. Through serving their families and through work, women could contribute to the Common Weal. Whether or not such a contribution satisfied them personally was not the question to be asked....

Source 5

Carole Seymour-Jones Beatrice Webb. Woman of Conflict, Pandora, 1992, pp. 268

As the militant suffragette movement attracted criticism in the press after Christabel Pankhurst and Annie Kenney demanded "Votes for Women" and were arrested for spitting, a technical assault, at a political meeting in Manchester, Beatrice contacted Millicent Fawcett to say she had recanted: "As the women suffragists were being battered about rather badly, and coarse-grained men were saying coarse-grained things, I thought I might as well give a friendly pull to get things out of the mud, even at the risk of getting a little spattered myself." Her letter, which was printed in The Times, together with Louisa Creighton's change of heart, spoke of the "personal suffering and masculine ridicule" of women forced to commit a breach of the peace

The Fabians and the Women's Question

Beatrice Webb made little mention of the women’s movement in her diaries before 1900. This is surprising because women formed between a third and a half of the total membership, sat on the Executive and played a full part in the political life of the Society. However, the Fabianism of Beatrice Webb was dry and passionless, the product of reason. The Woman Question aroused passions not always amenable to reason because it opened up the vexed questions of marriage, the family and ‘sex-relations’. The early Fabians refused to think politically about sexual difference, which is why some women found it necessary to form the Fabian Women’s Group.

The Fabian Women’s Group first met in the drawing room of Maud Pember Reeves, wife of a New Zealand diplomat in early 1908 after a winter of suffrage activity of increasing violence. Women had not made themselves, or their cause felt sufficiently within the Society, they believed. At their first meeting they resolved first to further the principles of equal citizenship within and without the Society, and second, to ‘study women’s economic independence in relation to socialism’. They wanted to forge links between the two most vital movements of their time: socialism and women’s emancipation. They saw the Women’s Question as a problem of ‘economic liberty’ and this represents an important development in thinking through the connections past and present between this problem and socialism[1].

It was, however, the ‘sex-relation’ that was more difficult to reconcile with socialism in thought or practice. The early Fabians were silent on the issue. It was the growing momentum of the women’s movement and its militancy in the early twentieth century that meant that the issue could no longer be ignored. Women joined trade unions in large numbers and their independent voice was being heard through the National Federation of Women Workers (1906-21) while the Women’s Co-operative Guild (formed in 1883) spoke for the working class housewife and mother. Fabian women belonged to these organisations and were often among their leadership. Fabian women recognised class difference among women and made it central to their analysis of women’s economic condition. They argued that economic changes in the nineteenth century had reduced wealthy women to economic ‘parasites’ within the family and confined working class women to sweated industries and starvation wages. Differences between women might vary but their ultimate interests were the same. Fabian women identified the following:

  1. The parasitic status of women of property obliged them to expose and reform the poverty in which the majority of women lived and died.
  2. What united women (apart from not having the vote) was their economic dependence and their ‘sex-function’.
  3. What Fabian women wanted to do was to separate them. A woman’s economic liberty depended on her either receiving the rate for the job in industry -- irrespective of sex-- or a state pension if she were a mother.

Fabian analysis went on to argue that the artificial exaggeration of sex differences was historical, patriarchal and that its effects spread adversely through domestic and industrial production. Women’s economic dependence, Fabian women argued, was twofold: within the family they were subordinate to father, husband and sons; while in wages work they were seen as unskilled and cheap labour. Both positions were historical and had a single cause: the custom of marriage by capture or purchase and the exclusive focus on a woman’s sex which a man’s wish for legitimate heirs imposed on his wife. Men defined women through their sex rather than their common humanity. Motherhood united women but motherhood was a ‘stigma’ when it should have been recognised as ‘a valuable act of citizenship’ and rewarded with state pensions and co-operative households.

The Fabian women found the sexual division of labour wherever they looked. Women were domestic servants, unskilled and sweated workers. Unskilled women were, according to Beatrice Webb in her Women and the Factory Acts (1897), their own worst enemies. She pointed to their partial subsistence from within the family, their lack of training and skills and their low standard of living. Women made poor trade unionists, a failing that perpetuated their economic role and from which they could raise themselves up if only they organised and refused to accept wages below subsistence level. Fabian women’s analysis of women’s economic plight was as thorough in its details as it was circumspect in its demands.

Many contemporaries considered Fabian women to be ‘serious-minded ladies’. Certainly Beatrice Webb (Potter as she was then) thought, in the late 1880s, that intellectual work was an antidote to sexual desire: “I have not despised the simple happiness of a woman’s life; it has despised me and I have been humbled as far down as women can be humbled”. The first generation of Fabian women supported each other, helped each other to learn and spurred each other on with reminders of women’s underdeveloped civic sense, lack of mental discipline or the habits of trade unions. Education was the path to collective as well as individual self-improvement as it was for so many working class men. Beatrice Webb commented towards the end of her life on the middle class respectability of the first Fabians despite the open sexuality of many Fabian men and some Fabian women. Yet, this remained the most volatile element of the delicate relationship between the movements for women’s emancipation and socialism. There was to be no resolution of this tension in the short term.

In essence, Fabian women saw the Woman’s Question in economic not political terms. A woman could achieve economic liberty as long as the laws of the market were tempered in waged work by judicious legislation and responsible trade unionism and in the home by state pensions and co-operative households. But the sex-relation could not be compressed into economic relations. Fabian women ducked the question of what sort of relations should exist between men and women by urging women wage earners to become more like men and the state to take responsibility for maintaining children. The search for an identity independent of men and children and self-fulfillment was hard to reconcile with the collective socialist will.

It is difficult to evaluate the degree to which Fabian women enabled emancipation to occur. Certainly, their critique of women as wage earner raised awareness of the low-skill, low-wage problem and their collectivist ideas led to the question of state support for women and their children. It is, however, difficult to see what direct impact Fabian women had on political emancipation in the years before 1914 and the relationship between them and women’s suffrage movements is far from clear. Fabian women may have been aware of the problem but they did not essentially provide a solution that address the sex-question.


[1] Clementina Black Married Women’s Work Being the Report of an Enquiry undertaken by the Women’s Industrial Council, 1915 is a report on rural work and charwomen. Maud Pember Reeves Round About a Pound a Week, 1913, Virago, 1979 is a survey carried out by Fabian Society’s Women’s Group of families living on an income of 18-26 shillings a week in Lambeth, south London are two examples of the research the Fabians did. In addition, Beatrice Webb examined women’s low pay; Barbara Hutchin uncovered the different economic needs of women at different phases of their lives; Barbara Drake studied women and trade unionism; and Alice Clark examined working class women in the seventeenth century. They still form a vital part of feminist thought.

Sunday 24 February 2008

Women's Suffrage: A Fabian perspective

The 1870s and 1880s saw the founding of several socialist groups. They sought a ‘new life’ based on the regeneration of self and the repudiation of the waste and excess of capitalism. The Fabian Society, which sought a political route, was formed in London in 1884[1]. It grew from the frustration of young idealists with Christian belief and the fading ethos of liberal individualism. The inner life was less important to Fabians than the poverty and squalor in which the mass of the population lived.

Who were the Fabians and what did they believe?

In 1884, Fabian socialism was rudimentary. It meant a belief in collectivism (intervention by the state by passing laws) to deal with the central social problem of poverty. Fabians saw the gap in living standards between rich and poor as the social evil of the late nineteenth century. Both George Bernard Shaw and Beatrice Webb have identified the awakening ‘consciousness of sin’ among the privileged and propertied classes, anxious to hold on to their political and economic power and afraid of the newly enfranchised working classes[2]. People of all classes spoke of their ‘conversion’ and the socialism of the 1880s and 1890s had something of the enthusiasm of a religious revival. Fabian socialism was always intellectual. It took the form of a critical dialogue with others. It never had a popular base and, with the occasional exception, never sought one.

The early Fabians were writers, teachers, journalists and civil servants. Mostly young, in their early twenties, several were impoverished. They came from a variety of religious and philosophical backgrounds. The emergence of Fabian socialism took place against a background of riots of the unemployed and the strikes of the match girls in 1888, dockers and other unskilled workers in London in 1889 and 1890. It was shaped then and during the equally turbulent years of Irish nationalism, women’s suffrage and syndicalism before the First World War (1906-14), years when the mental life of the nation changed. Some Fabians took a direct part in these struggles alongside trade unionism and socialist militants. But this experience of working class militancy filled them with unease.

Fabians had studied Marx but rejected his theory of change through class struggle. According to Fabians, the motors of history were the collectivist spirit and the gradual growth of the state.  Socialism they conceded might be inevitable but it would not come from the working classes. The poor lacked both the education and the leisure to think and to organise. The Fabian ideology was therefore an elitist one.  In many respects, Fabian socialism owed more to the ideas of John Stuart Mill than to the revolutionary creeds of Marx and Engels. Mill’s reservations about the benefits of mass democracy, the fear that the desires of civilised minorities would be swept aside by the uncultivated majority, was at the heart of much Fabian thought. Socialism was as necessary as political democracy was unavoidable. However, the Fabians argued it must be socialism grounded in the study of facts not the encouragement of feelings (except collectivist ones).

Socialist aspirations were unsettling because emotive. They were for the unconverted. The characteristics of Fabian socialism identified by Beatrice Webb were[3] “they translated economics and collectivism into the language of prosaic vestrymen and town councillors. They dealt largely in statistics; they talked about amending factory acts and municipalising (bringing services under the control of local municipal or urban authorities) gas and water supplies. Above all, they were productive in collecting facts and developing ideas and practical projects for reform.... Their summary of Socialism, which was found in the ensuing decade to have a strong appeal, was put in the following terms. It comprised, they said, essentially collectivist ownership wherever practicable; collective regulation everywhere else; collective provision according to need for the impotent and sufferers; and collective taxation in proportion to wealth, especially surplus wealth.”


[1] On the development of the Fabian Society, see A.M. MacBriar Fabian Socialism and English Politics 1884-1918, Cambridge, 1962 and Norman and Jeanne Mackenzie The First Fabians, London, 1979. Carole Seymour-Jones Beatrice Webb. Woman of Conflict, Pandora, 1992 is the most accessible biography. Royden J. Harrison The Life and Times of Sidney and Beatrice Webb 1858-1905: The Formative Years, Palgrave, 2000 should now be regarded as the definitive study on the key players. On the role of socialist women more generally, see June Hannam and Karen Hunt Socialist Women, Routledge, 2001.

[2] Primary materials on growing Fabian awareness can be found in Sally Alexander (ed.) Women’s Fabian Tracts, London, 1989, introduction reprinted in Sally Alexander On Becoming a Woman and other essays, Virago, 1994, pages 159-170. Norman and Jeanne Mackenzie (eds.) The Diaries of Beatrice Webb, Virago, 1986, Norman Mackenzie (ed.) The Letters of Sidney and Beatrice Webb, three volumes, Weidenfeld, 1978, Beatrice Webb My Apprenticeship, Longman, 1926 and Our Partnership, Longman, 1948 are essential on the Webbs.

[3] Beatrice Webb Our Partnership, London, 1948, page 107.

Saturday 23 February 2008

Women's History: a perspective

The reign of Queen Victoria is one of the great ironies of the historiography of the nineteenth century. Britain and her Empire were ruled by a woman and yet historians have, until recently, kept the lives of ordinary women 'hidden from history'. Yet the British suffragettes were the exception. The activities of some of the movement's leading figures, particularly the Pankhurst family, were well publicised at the time and have since achieved almost mythic standing. This too is ironic for had not the war intervened in 1914 historians may today be writing of the suffragettes of the Women's Social and Political Union as an heroic failure. It can be argued that the dominance accorded to the suffragettes, itself a consequence of the interpretative discourse established by Sylvia Pankhurst and George Dangerfield in the 1930s, has received a disproportionate amount of historians' attention and has, as a result, slanted the modern view of the whole women's movement. Politically active women were not typical of the female experience in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The 'publicness' and articulateness of suffragettes made them exceptional beings among their sex. Neither was politics central to the processes of social change affecting women. Politics was remote from the lived experience of most ordinary women.

It is important to begin by asking the question 'Why should we study women's history?' Although there is today recognition that there is a history of women we cannot take the question for granted. Women's history has made significant strides in the last two decades but it is still as relevant today as it was when first posed. History is a public and politicised discourse, a reflection of prevailing social and cultural attitudes. The male view of history -- history about men and men's activities in a public world of diplomacy, war and politics -- was long viewed as history. As historians have been primarily male this is not surprising with the result that the history of men was seen as universal history, the history of all humanity. Even socialist and labour historians who challenged the class bias of history and focused on the experiences and struggles of the working class omitted women from their discussion. Edward Thompson's attempt in his The Making of the English Working Class to rescue the working class from 'the enormous descension of posterity' has been criticised for its maleness. His approach is not unusual. Peter Clarke's Lancashire and the New Liberalism suggests the importance of the women's suffrage issue to the fate of British Liberalism and David Morgan's study Suffragists and Liberals supports this view. But women suffragists make only brief appearances in Morgans's book and are almost invisible in Clarke's. They remain unseen in Ross McKibbin's The Evolution of the Labour Party, a major study on the emergence of the party before 1914.

Part of the reason for this was the nature of the women's movement itself. The first phase, though not exclusively middle class or bourgeois in character, focused on improving the legal, educational and political status of women. It was essentially conservative in character, a search for the same opportunities as middle class men. It did not, in general terms, challenge the consciousness of women as women. It was concerned with women in a man's world addressing inequalities rather than male oppression. Fabian women recognised that fundamental change in the status of women would only come if the male-dominated economic system was challenged. This was a far more difficult process that campaigning for the vote or for admission to higher education. Arguably the first phase of the women's movement hit essential, but nonetheless 'soft', targets, areas that could not stand long against charges of illogicality and unfairness. This first wave of the movement produced some important scholarly works: Alice Clarke's Working Life of Women in the Seventeenth Century in 1919 and Ivy Pinchbeck's Women Workers and the Industrial Revolution in 1930 for example. These books, and others produced at this time, were not only not followed up by a spate of other studies, but were themselves soon ignored and forgotten. Only in the second phase of the movement did a renewed interest and curiosity about women's history emerge.

The dawning of the second wave of the women's movement, in the late 1960s and 1970s, raised the consciousness that women had been left out of the historical record. For the first time women seriously challenged the status quo and began to look to their past to throw light on their present. The critical questions historians asks were 'Why is it like this now?' and 'Has it always been like this?' There was an increasing recognition that to know the past was to understand the present. Women, it was argued, needed to look backwards to seek the origins and development of the wrongs, oppressions and inequalities which they suffered today[1]. This process, though necessary in helping modern woman define her individual and social consciousness, can be seen as 'Whiggish' in nature. The Whig interpretation of history, effectively debunked by Herbert Butterfield in the 1930s, suggests that historians need to look to the past to explain the present. There is a strong case for this approach to women's history since it enables challenges to be made to received 'truths'. A good example of this is the notion that 'a woman's place is in the home'. Historians have long led people to believe that this is an age-old axiom, based on a long tradition of men going out to work and women staying at home. Women's history shows how unhistorical this notion is. The domestic ideology was created in the early nineteenth century when middle class women were pushed into the private sphere of the home and men went out into the public world.

The contribution of the women's movement to historiography falls into the following areas.  First, it has pointed to the diversity rather than the sameness of women's experiences in the past. This shattered the notion that women's history is not worth bothering about because the lives of women have somehow always been the same. Part of the reason for this perspective of the history of women has occurred because their role was seen as monotonous and uniform because of its close identification with domestic chores and with childcare. The housewife's fight against dirt and dust, it was suggested, did not change much between the Middle Ages and the Industrial Revolution and when change eventually occurred it was the consequence of benevolent male technology in the form of vacuum cleaners and dishwashers. Childcare was also regarded as remaining basically the same and unaffected by outside factors. This whole view needed drastic reappraisal for a variety of reasons.  Secondly, Women's history is not exclusively domestic any more than men's history is exclusively political.  The private sphere cannot be divorced from the public. The study of the private sphere has implications for the study of the public world. A seemingly small pebble causes ripples across the whole pool.  Finally, women cannot just be tacked on to the mainstream of history. The whole shape of what we mean by history is radically changed by the inclusion of women and the new questions which have to be asked lead to a fundamental review of many of the basic assumptions of men's history. Feminist analysis of changing definitions of femininity over time show that masculinity cannot be assumed to be constant.

Like all forms of history, women's history can fall into polemic and propaganda. In many respects this can be explained by the ways in which women's history developed. Its place was not in mainstream academic institutions but at the margins of scholarship where it often took the form of an alternative history. Sheila Rowbotham's Hidden from History, first published in 1973, was the first book to make women's history available to a wide audience. The formation of the Virago Press was also an important development concentrating as it still does on feminist work including history. Throughout the 1980s women's history and other branches of women's studies enjoyed unparalleled growth. Yet it is important not to regard women's history as having firm footings within academia. Women's history was still not part of the mainstream, according to Deidre Beddoe. Its growth in higher education has depended on women staff, often appointed to teach other subjects but who have developed courses because of their personal enthusiasm. A survey in 1991 showed that women made up only 17 per cent of lecturers in history, 12.7 per cent of senior lecturers, 6.6 per cent of readers and there were only three women professors out of 134.

The emergence of women's history is intertwined with the emergence of the category of 'women' as a political identity and this has been accompanied by an analysis that attributed women's oppression and their lack of historical visibility to male bias. Unequal power relations within the discipline made charges of ideology dangerous to those who sought professional status and disciplinary legitimacy: if women historians wanted to be successful they had to play by the rules of male historians. It led to criticism from male historians that women distorted evidence to support modern feminist ideology[2]. Women's history was seen by some as subverted the true canon of history and as have political motivations that had little to do with serious historical study.

So where does women's history fit into history? Certainly it is part of the reaction of some historians to the traditional view of history, what may be called Rankean history after the great German historian Leopold von Ranke [1795-1886][3]. This traditional view of history can be summed up in seven points:

1. History is essentially concerned with politics or, in the context of women's history, the public sphere. The Victorian professor Sir John Seeley said that "History is past politics: politics is present history". History concerned the state; it was national and international rather than local [that was the domain of antiquarians]. Other areas of history, though not altogether excluded by this traditional paradigm, were marginalised in the sense of being considered peripheral to the interests of 'real' historians.

2. Traditional historians think of history as essentially a narrative of events while the new history is more concerned with the analysis of structures. The feminist writings of the first stage of the women's movement tended to by ignored because they focused on structures not events.

3. Traditional history offers a view from above concentrating on the great deeds of great men [and the occasional woman]. The rest of humanity was accorded a minor role in the drama of the past.

4. History should be based on documents. Ranke's great achievement was to expose the limitations of narrative sources and he stressed the need to base written history on official sources, emanating from governments and preserved in archives. The result of this was that other types of evidence were neglected.

5. History is objective. The historian's task is to give the reader the facts, or as Ranke put it in a much-quoted phrase, to tell "how it actually happened". Lord Acton, the general editor of the first Cambridge Modern History, believed that his readers should be unable to tell where one contributor put down his pen and another took it up. This was unrealistic when Acton wrote. However hard we try to avoid the prejudices associated with race, creed, class or gender, we cannot avoid looking at the past from a particular point of view. We have moved from the ideal of the Voice of History [singular] to that of heteroglossia [varied and opposing voices].

6. Rankean history was the territory of professionals who were almost exclusively male.

Women's history challenged each of these characteristics of the traditional approach to the past and its history. It is part of the expansion of the historian's universe and the increasing dialogue with other disciplines. It is part of the fragmentation of history. This creates problems of synthesis and it has certainly proved difficult to integrate women's history into any attempt at rewriting the universal history of the past. We have moved a long way from G.M.Trevelyan's definition of history as being "about chaps” but we still have a considerable way to go before we are able to produce a history of people.


[1] The current state of women's history and the ideological issues raised by it are best dealt with in Bryan D. Palmer Descent into Discourse. The Reification of Language and the Writing of Social History, University of Toronto, 1990, pp. 145-186 and Joan Scott ‘Women's History’, in Peter Burke (ed.) New Perspectives on Historical Writing, Polity, 1992, pp. 42-66.

[2] As if the meaning of evidence was uncontested and presented no problems about the position, point of view and interpretations of historians.

[3] Ranke was less confined by this than his followers were: just as Marx was not a Marxist so Ranke was not a Rankean!

The Women's Suffrage Movement 1865-1903: The 1890s decline or not? Some sources

Source 1

Brian Harrison ‘Women’s Suffrage at Westminster 1866-1928’, in M. Bentley and John Stevenson (eds.) High and Low Politics in Modern Britain, Oxford, 1983, pages 87, 92-93

The growth-pattern of feminist organisations shows that, after initial success between 1866 and 1871, a long period of decline sets in; this is slow at first, but rapid after the major setback of Gladstone’s Reform Bill [1884]. Revival begins about 1900 and peaks between 1910 and 1913.... Distance from Westminster entailed distance from the political parties, which originated and were directed from there. Contempt for party loyalties was widespread among later Victorian reforming movements, but historical parallels were misleading. In early Victorian conditions, the campaigns against slavery and the Corn Laws might prevail over party, but after the 1860s -- when political parties adapted themselves to cater for an expanded electorate -- this was diminishingly possible. Yet suffragists continued to assume that it was the reforming movement, not the political party, which embodied democratic principles. A non-party outlook was continuously peddled in the Women’ Suffrage Journal of the 1870s and 1880s and remained with Mrs Fawcett to the end.... Their non-party outlook led suffragists naturally on to the private member’s bill as a political device and to the pledging of MPs from all parties to support it. Yet this was less appropriate in a House of Commons whose mounting pressure of business made it necessary to entrust governments with control over its timetable...By the 1880s the shrewder suffragists perceived the drawback of this non-party approach, yet suffragists remained wedded to it.

Source 2

David Rubinstein A Different World for Women. The Life of Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Harvester, 1991, pages 131, 137

In the mid-1880s, the outlook for women’s suffrage was bleak. It became even dimmer as the years passed, partly because of quarrels within the ranks of suffragists, but chiefly as the nature and extent of male opposition became clearer.... Nevertheless the suffrage movement between 1884 and the first years of the new century was full of incident and deserves a better press than it has received at the hands of those primarily interested in an earlier or later period.... The years between 1884 and 1905 formed a period when suffragists kept their flag flying under difficult conditions. The movement remained active, its supporters (though not its income) buoyant and its structure flexible. Its gradual reunification [in 1897] and the second reading triumph of the Begg bill [also 1897] showed that it remained a force to be reckoned with, though not one to which ambitious politicians devoted much attention. It had, however, reached the limit of what could be achieved by meetings, petitions and private members’ bills. New forms of activity were required and were to be introduced by both the new militant suffragists and the moderates...

Source 3

Christine Bolt The Women’s Movement, Harvester, 1993, pages 184-5.

.... That the suffrage movement enjoyed increased support in the 1890s, as indicated by the good showing of the two suffrage bills; the size of the petition for enfranchisement produced in 1896; and the growing interests of working-class women, notably in the Women’s Co-operative Guild. Moreover, women’s capacity in political affairs, first shown modestly, in family or community activities, but now formally demonstrated by the efforts of the Women’s Liberal Federation and the Primrose League during the three general elections held between 1892 and 1900, may have impressed the general public. Thought it brought them no direct political reward, it was certainly put to good use once the suffrage campaign moved up a gear from the end of the century. Women’s involvement in local government also continued to provide them with a political education and confidence-boosting experience...At this level of politics, the major gain of the 1890s was the 1894 Local Government Act, pressed for by women’s groups.... advances in local government had come increasingly to be regarded as a means of furthering the campaign for the parliamentary vote.

Source 4

Martin Pugh Votes for Women in Britain 1867-1928, The Historical Association, 1994, pages 19-20

Traditionally, perceptions have been dominated by the Pankhursts. Their view -- essentially propagandist it should be remembered -- held that militancy became a necessity in the early 1900s because decades of campaigning by the non-militants had been a failure...There are some grounds for believing that organised suffragism went into decline. Brian Harrison has shown that the income of the various groups dwindled from the late 1880s and remained low during the 1890s. Some suffragists conceded that an important opportunity had been lost in 1884 when Gladstone pushed the Third Reform Act through parliament.... This took much of the momentum out of the general issue of reform for several decades and left women somewhat isolated.... While this underlines the difficulties faced by the cause, however, it does not prove that the suffragists were not making progress. As so often, much depends upon the criteria one uses. In several ways the 1890s proved to be a period of very advantageous change for women, though some of the developments had an indirect effect and are not easy to measure...

Source 5

Jane Lewis (ed.) Before the Vote was Won. Arguments for and against Women’s Suffrage 1864-1896, Routledge, 1987, pages 7-10

The early suffragists unhesitatingly believed that middle class women needed the vote to give greater scope to their talents and working class women needed its protection. Thus they argued that the vote would enable middle class women both to broaden the range of occupations open to them and allow them to help frame laws that affected the poor, whom it was their bounden duty to visit and care for.... Inevitably both political parties feared that women would vote for their opponents if enfranchised, although the prevalence of the view that women would prove a conservative force made some Conservative MPs look more favourably on their cause for a brief period before the 1884 Reform Act. However, after 1884, the Conservative Party enjoyed two decades of almost unbroken rule and had little reason to consider the enfranchisement of women as a counter-weight to the votes of working class men. Broadly speaking, while the leaders of the Conservative Party expressed some sympathy with the feminist cause and the rank and file were implacably opposed, the reverse was true of the Liberal Party.... It was very difficult for feminists to attack the concept of separate spheres supported as it was by Victorian science, and impossible for them to question the importance attached to the traditional role of wife and mother. They usually contented themselves with acknowledging that there were natural differences between men and women, but in denying that this rendered women necessarily inferior...Millicent Fawcett argued strongly that women needed a greater say in the nation’s affairs as mothers.... But while MPs were prepared to acknowledge that women could play a role locally, for example, as Poor Law guardians inspecting the conditions of children in workhouses, they denied their capacity to judge matters concerning diplomacy or empire. Women’s role in local government could be viewed as an extension of their domestic role, but affairs of state were firmly located on the other side of the private/public divide. Thus men defended their public space in the polling booth and in the House of Commons.... the suffragists’ lobbying tactics suffered a severe defeat when the 1884 Franchise Reform Act failed to include women and by the 1890s the movement was running out of steam and was facing a much better organised opposition, which included a well-publicised group of women ‘antis’, organised by Mrs Humphrey Ward, a popular novelist. The part played by the militant suffragettes in achieving the vote is a source of historical controversy, but, notwithstanding the importance of its contribution, there is no doubt but that the early campaigners badly needed new impetus by the turn of the century.

Source 6

Ray Strachey The Cause. A Short History of the Women’s Movement in Great Britain, Virago, 1988, first published 1928, pages 283-4

During these years between the passing of the Reform Bill and the close of the century, it became apparent, bit by bit, that the effort to win the suffrage through the Liberal Party alone was unavailing.... The fear that women would vote Conservative, which had prevailed in 1870, held sway in 1880 and 1890, and an absolute deadlock ensued.... In addition to this curious and unfortunate state of affairs, the agitation had begun to grow stale by the middle of the nineties. Its supporters, indeed, were as keen and as hard working as ever....but the enthusiasm of supporters was not enough. The agitation had been going on so long that the Press and the public were tired of hearing of it. Nothing was happening in Parliament, or anywhere else, to give the subject a news value, and the arguments were, of necessity, the same as they always had been.... winning the vote seemed in the early nineties to be farther away than ever before in the history of the agitation.