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Friday, 6 June 2008

42 Days

It appears that the DPP doesn't want it, neither do the previous Attorney General and Lord Chancellor, the police appear by their silence to be at least ambivalent about it and now a past prime minister in what must be his most pointed intervention since leaving office in 1997 has cast grave on yet another restriction on our civil liberties.  Or, as someone wrote during the 90 day fiasco, just pluck another figure out of the air!  So why is the government persisting with the 42 day proposal when it appears most people simply do not see or accept the justification being claimed.  Jacqui Smith has let the cat out of the bag in her Spectator article in which she says that if it were a vote of confidence in the government it would pass easily.  So it's all about macho-politics and the need for the Prime Minister to reassert his authority over his government.  That's no justification for policy.

The government's case appears to be this.  We might in the future need to keep a suspect without charge in custody beyond the current inflated 28 days so that we can collect evidence, so it's a valid insurance policy.  There is an old adage that says 'work expands to fill the time available' so if it's 42 days you can guarantee that, despite the spurious parliamentary safeguards, the time will be used.  Then there's the argument that we need to balance civil liberties with the need to combat the 'war on terror'.  Now that's a better position to take but has been fatally flawed by the use local authorities have made of anti-terrorism legislation to snoop on people who appear to be lying about where they live to get their children into the schools of their choice.  Whatever the justification of checking on those individuals who try to buck the system for their own or their families benefit, using anti-terrorism legislation to do this resembled the proverbial hammer and nut. 

Government of whatever hue appears to be under the impression that you can legislate problems away.  Whether it's knife crime or binge drinking or rubbish bins, the first inclination of government appears to be to head for the statute book.  Law only works effectively with consent and increasingly it appears that many people do not consent to having their behaviour changed by ham-fisted and often badly drafted legislation.  By legislating too much, government dilutes the value of all legislation, good or otherwise.  We should be legislating less rather than trying to micro-manage people's lives.  Yes, government should inform, advise and warn people.  It should pass legislation where necessary but defining personal responsibility in terms of legislation and not allowing individuals to take responsibility for their own actions will mean that increasingly legislative and personal responsibility will merge, the ultimate political control.

If there is justification for 42 days other than it might be needed, then the government should present it.  Global terrorism is real and needs to be combated since it threatens the fundamental values of a democratic society.  By increasing the powers of the state and reducing the liberties that have been won over centuries, we are in danger of doing the terrorists' job for them.  We are already have more camera surveillance than any country on the globe, our anti-terrorism legislation is seen as increasingly draconian and is increasingly being misused by officials who appear not to be accountable to anyone and we appear, in many people's eyes to be sleepwalking into a police state.  In these circumstances, macho-politics is inappropriate, offensive and dangerous.  Think again, Gordon.

Punishment: introduction

Between 1830 and 1914 there were three major changes in the ways convicted offenders were treated:

  1. There was a shift from death or transportation as the major punishment for felonies to imprisonment in custom-built prisons[1].
  2. There was a shift, admittedly less marked, from the personnel of the courts making all key decisions about the offender to the experts in the new prison system making some of these decisions.
  3. Once it was agreed that most offenders should be sent to prison, the crucial arguments centred on to what extent prisons were places of punishment or reformation.

The traditional view of changes in punishment accepts that the 'Bloody Code' was arbitrary and savage and that the reformers' stance was moral unassailable. Penal reform began with the abolition of capital statutes urged by Romilly and Mackintosh and largely carried out by Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell when Home Secretaries in the 1820s and 1830s. It gathered pace as the government took an increasing role in the organisation and supervision of prisons with the opening of Millbank in 1816 and Pentonville in 1842, with the creation of the prison Inspectorate in 1835 and the centralisation of the whole system under the Home Office in 1877. Revisionist historians accept the savagery of the 'Bloody Code' but have been more subtle in assessing its arbitrariness and see the emergence of the new prison system as a further institutional solution to the need for social control and discipline like the workhouse established under the new Poor Law. In many respects the arguments of traditionalists and revisionists are the mirror image of each other. In the traditional Whig view the humanitarian and progressive nature of penal reform fits with the humanitarian and progressive requirements of the liberal democratic society that emerged in the early nineteenth century. In the revisionist account there is a fit between the new system of prison and punishment and the control requirements of the developing capitalist system.

 


[1] The most vivid revisionist study on prisons is Michael Ignatieff A Just Measure of Pain: the penitentiary in the Industrial Revolution 1750-1850, Macmillan, 1978. J.A.Sharpe Judicial Punishment in England, Faber, 1990 covers a broader span of time. V.A.C. Gatrell The Hanging Tree. Execution and the English People 1770-1868, OUP, 1994 is a major study of changing sensibilities and debunks many myths about execution.