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Friday, 12 October 2007

Aspects of Chartism: The question of decline 1843-1849

The year of Chartism may have been 1842, but as Dorothy Thompson suggests, it was also the year from which Chartism was not to recover[1]. Popular radicalism was not extinguished but the strikes of 1842 were the last occasions when the working class mounted an effective, potentially revolutionary challenge to the ruling establishment. She argues that the strikes, in many respects, showed the extent to which many working men had come to terms with industrial capitalism. John Fielden, factory owner and reformer, commented to the House of Commons in early 1843 on events in his own Todmorden[2] “[The men] went through the vale and stopped all the mills but not a single offence did they commit against life and not a single injury did they commit against property.”  The strikers did not smash the machines, as the Luddites would have done, but simply removed the plugs from the boilers. Their purpose, he suggested, was not to turn back the tide of capitalism but rather to adapt it to their own lives by limiting the hours of work. Increasingly government came to accommodate the demands of industrial labour. Fielden continued as follows[3] “While Chartism consists of these demands, it will go on in spite of all your severity and I say it ought to go on. The more frequently you reject the just claims of the people, the nearer do you bring the time when they must be conceded.”

Increasingly mainstream politicians began to concede the logic of his argument. They would not agree to the Charter, as the events of 1848 clearly demonstrated, but Peel and then Russell increasingly conceded the social reforms that the movement put forward. A process of ‘liberalisation’ had begun. Its extent is open to doubt. Social reform was fitful, delayed in its impact and lacking coherence but it was enough to lead to a loss of resonance and appeal within Chartism.

With the notable exceptions of the Land Plan and the dramatic events of 1848, until recently Chartism in its third phase has received less attention from historians than the two earlier stages[4]. In part, the reasons for this are straightforward. The years after 1842 saw fewer confrontations with authorities than during the first four years. The tendency, evident in 1841 and 1842, for the movement to fragment became more pronounced and Chartism divided into a number of different movements under the broad umbrella of the Charter. The limits of popular action and the appeal of the mass platform may have been reached in 1842 but the events of 1848 clearly show that Chartism was still capable of considerable national support. Yet, the dearth of historical analysis of this period is nonetheless surprising. The radical publications of the late 1840s produced some of the most innovative political discussion of the period and some of the most interesting features of the movement developed. The years between 1843 and the early 1850s stands uneasily between the vibrant working class confrontationalism of 1839 and 1842 and the growing liberalism and emergent socialism of the 1850s and 1860s. But was Chartism, as J.T. Ward suggests[5], ‘entering a period of decline’? Had it been weakened by ‘O’Connor’s bullying tactics’? Was it ‘further weakened by a slow but general economic improvement’?

A question of decline

Historians are largely in agreement that the decline of Chartism, a decline that lasted until the late 1850s, began in the mid-1840s[6]. They point to the reforms introduced during Peel’s ministry between 1841 and 1846 and improved economic conditions are a possible cause of this. This may reinforce the argument for the economic motivation of many rank-and-file Chartists. However, this coincidence may be a necessary explanation but it is hardly a sufficient one. 

Conditions improved during Peel’s ministry[7]. Peel inherited a budgetary deficit in 1841. The budget in 1842 was Peel’s means of remedying this. Income tax was reintroduced at 7d in the pound on incomes of more than £150. This excluded most of the working classes. It was designed to last three years and raise £3.7 million. Customs duties were reduced on about 750 items and maximum duties on imported raw materials and manufactured items were set at 5 per cent and 20 per cent respectively. Changes were made to the scale of duties on corn reducing the level of tax paid. They were, however, generally well regarded and certainly politically astute. Trade revived from 1843 and the boost of reduced duties to consumption soon outran the lower tariff return on each item. Government finance moved into the red in 1844. Further changes took place in 1845. Income tax was renewed for a further three years and there were more reductions in tariffs. Duties on raw materials, like cotton, were abolished. Duties on colonial sugar from the West Indies and foreign sugar were both reduced. Further reductions followed and when Peel fell in 1846, Britain was almost a free-trading country. Economic reform and improved social conditions took the teeth out of Chartism. Repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 and the introduction of free trade undercut the economic foundations of Chartism.  Peel’s economic liberalism had its origins in the 1820s. At its heart were the notions of ‘sound money’, low taxes and a freeing of trade. Without monetary control and stability there would be inflation and this, Peel maintained, would limit economy growth. It was necessary to restrict the Bank of England’s power to issue money ‘to inspire just confidence in the medium of exchange’. The Gold Standard became the dominant financial orthodoxy linking sound money to cheap government and low rates of direct and indirect taxation. If businessmen and industrialists were given freedom to exploit the market, Peel suggested this would increase profitability, improve employment and result in economic growth for everyone’s benefit.

For Peel, the issue of social reform was linked to successful economic conditions. These would enable economic growth, create new jobs and so stimulate consumption. Peel was sceptical of the value of direct government intervention in solving social problems. Free market answers were more effective. He recognised that government could not abdicate all responsibility in the ‘social question’ but, like many contemporaries, believed that its role should be severely limited and definitely cost-effective. In 1842, the Whig poor law was extended tightening its operation to remove wasteful spending. Government support for social reform was hardly enthusiastic. Factory reform followed in 1844. There was a well-organised campaign inside and outside Parliament to restrict the maximum working day for all to ten hours. Peel disagreed. He was prepared to pass laws preventing exploitation of children and women but he argued adult males were free agents and the law should not interfere with market forces. The Commons did not agree and Ashley’s Ten Hours’ amendment was carried. It was only Peel’s threat of resignation that persuaded Tories to support the passage of the Factory Act. Graham’s Act effectively established a working day of twelve hours maximum but only in the textile industry.  Lord John Russell succeeded Peel as prime minister in mid-1846 and led a Whig-Liberal government until 1852. Two important pieces of social legislation were passed in 1847 and 1848 though their impact on Chartism is debatable. The 1847 Factory Act introduced shorter working hours for all textile workers. The 1848 Public Health Act made some improvements in town conditions.


[1] Dorothy Thompson The Chartists, Aldershot, 1984, page 295.

[2] Hansard, 3rd Series, volume 68, column 102, 28th March 1843.

[3] Hansard, 3rd Series, volume 68, column 103, 28th March 1843

[4] J.T. Ward Chartism, London, 1973 allocates a mere twenty-five pages to the period 1842-47 while Thompson The Chartists, has less than ten and both include discussion of the Land Plan. The study by Preston Slosson The Decline of the Chartist Movement, New York, 1916, though dated, is still essential.

[5] Ward Chartism, page 169.

[6] P. W. Slossom The Decline of the Chartist Movement, New York, 1916 remains the basic text on the decline of the movement. Owen Ashton, Robert Fyson and Stephen Roberts (eds.) The Chartist Legacy, Merlin 1999 is especially good on 1847 and beyond, is an important and revisionist collection of papers.

[7] For Peel’s ministry see T. L. Crosby   Sir Robert Peel’s Administration 1841-1846, David & Charles, 1970 and   Robert Stewart The Politics of Protection: Lord Derby and the Protectionists 1841-52, Cambridge University Press, 1971. Paul Adelman Peel and the Conservative Party 1830-1850, Longman, 1989 contains text and documents.

Thursday, 11 October 2007

The Normans: Historiography of Normans in Italy

The historiography of the Normans in southern Italy began with the chansons de geste of medieval Europe. This is hardly surprising given what many saw as the exploits of the Norman warriors and the success of the Hauteville family in southern Italy and Sicily. The roumans de la conqueste de Césile were part of the inventory of Clement of Hungary and in the library of John d’Evreux[1]. Boccaccio in his Decameron told the tragic love-story of a son of William II and a Muslim princess. This imaginative literary approach to the Norman achievements continued in the poems of Spatafora[2], de la Harpe[3] and de Pastoret[4]. Histories of the Norman domination of the south and especially Sicily began to appear from the end of the sixteenth century and important works were produced by Du Moulin[5], Fazzello[6], Maurolico[7], Costanza[8], Caruso[9], Summonte[10], Giannone[11], Burigny[12], Testa[13] and Gregorio[14].

However, in 1883, Delarc wrote in the preface to his Les Normands en Italie that while the Norman Conquest of England had already been the subject of major historical writing[15], there was “no complete monograph on the Normans in Italy”. With some irony, he added that those works, though often substantial, on Italy were often incomplete[16]. The modern historiography of the Normans in southern Italy begins with the first volume of a work by Gautier d’Arc[17]. The incompleteness of the work was largely the result of the inadequacy of the then available sources and which, Delarc argued perhaps unfairly meant that d’Arc’s work was of little value or interest by the 1880s. The problem of sources was also evident in the Neopolitan historian G. de Blasiis’ narrow study of the Norman conquest of mainland Apulia[18] and de Bazancourt’s history of Norman Sicily[19]. Three German historians examined certain aspects of the history of the Normans in Italy. F. Hirsch produced a critical consideration of Amatus of Montecassino[20]. Swartz[21] studied Robert Guiscard’s expeditions to Durazzo and the coast of Albania and Taffel[22] analysed the relationship between the Normans and the Comneni.

Parallel to, and in part a response to the problems encountered by the early historians of southern Italy, editions of some of the major sources began to appear. A critical edition of the poet William of Apulia[23] and the important chronicle of Montecassino by Leo Marsicanus[24] appeared in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica. The first edition of the chronicle of Amatus of Montecassino[25] was produced in 1835. Following the example of Naples and Palermo, several southern Italian towns printed the charters from their archives for the Norman period[26]. In his Bibliotheca Arabo Sicula, Amari[27] collated the Arab texts on the history of Sicily and another Sicilian historian Cura[28] published the Greek and Arab charters. The publication of material from the Vatican archives provided important information on relations between the Normans and the Papacy[29]. The final area for which source material was produced in the mid-nineteenth century was the Bibliotheca graeca medii aevi, edited by M. Sathas that explored the relationship between the Normans and the Byzantine Empire.

The extent to which many of the sources had been made available by the 1880s is reflected in Delarc’s 1883 study of the Normans and his edition of Amatus of Montecassino published nine years later. In 1886, the first study of the Normans in southern Italy appeared in English[30]. In its Preface, Barlow said, “I have allowed the old chroniclers to speak for themselves”, not surprising in a book that is essentially a narrative study of the Normans. He places great emphasis on the chronicle of Leo Marsicanus or Leo Ostiensis, which he regards as “the chronicle par excellence”. Amatus of Montecassino received little attention since, Barlow maintained that Champillion-Figaec had shown “very clearly that the original work of Amatus was largely used by Leo”[31]. In addition, he recognised the importance of the works of William of Apulia and Geoffrey Malaterra and several smaller chronicles of which he reserved particularly favourable comments about the Annales Lupi Protospatharii. He also used The Alexiad of Anna Comnena to illuminate his discussion of of the war between the Normans and the Byzantine Empire in the first half of the 1080s. Of the two works, Delarc’s is better largely because he used a wider range of sources and did not simply rely on the evidence from the chronicles. Both, however, sought to produce a serviceable narrative of events in southern Italy in the eleventh century though Barlow does go beyond 1073. Von Heinemann also failed to extend his work beyond 1085[32] and Jules Gay’s[33] study of Byzantine Italy and the Normans only went as far as 1071.

By 1900, five separate historiographical trends can be identified: the literary tradition, narrative accounts with various chronological limits, monographs on specific, sometimes very specific subjects often grounded in examining particular communities, biographical studies[34] and collections of primary material. It was Ferdinand Chalandon[35] who provided a synthesis of these trends in his two volume work[36] published in 1907[37]. The book is divided into three parts dealing respectively with the conquest down to 1130, the monarchy 1130-1194 and the institutions and the first volume is prefaced by a discussion of the available sources and an extensive bibliography. Unlike Delarc’s study of 1883, Chalandon’s work remains the most substantial study of the Normans and though the details of what he wrote a hundred years ago have in places been modified, it remains the single most important work available to historians.

Such was the dominance of Chalandon’s perspective of the Normans that there was little attempt to modify his views until after 1945. The inter-war period was dominated by analysis of the available sources of the eleventh and twelfth centuries and especially Amatus of Montecassino and Geoffrey Malaterra whose chronicles were published in new editions[38]. These remain the standard editions despite serious shortcomings in Pontieri’s edition of Malaterra[39]. An edition of William of Apulia’s poem was finally published in 1961[40]. The major problem for the eleventh century is that there is little other evidence that directly concerns the Normans with which to supplement the narrative sources. There are only forty charters issued in Robert Guiscard’s name, nearly all of them donantions of property to churches and several of them far from complete or absolutely authentic versions[41]. For Richard of Capua the situation is worse with only sixteen surviving charters and a few very dubious forgeries. For Richard’s son and successor, Jordan, there are only twenty-four genuine and two forged charters. There are also problems in geographical coverage. Although there are a large number of sources available on mainland Italy (Calabria is less well-served than Apulia and the Lombard principalities), there is a paucity of information about Sicily before the 1120s[42]. The other difficulty is that most of these sources have an ecclesiastical provenance and only a small part is available in print. For example, the chronicle-chartulary of Casauria written around 1175 copied some 2,100 charters and the archives of the abbey of the Holy Trinity, Cava near Salerno contains over a thousand eleventh century charters and over 3,500 from the twelfth. The Cava charters have only been published up to 1080 and the impact of the Normans on the abbey post-date this. Only the charters in the archives of Montevergine up to 1196 have been published in full[43].

The focus of research after 1945 remained, as it had in the nineteenth and early twentieth century on Italian, German, French and a few British historians. While the available literature in English continues to be meagre, the coverage of Continental historians is patchy and Graham Loud[44] suggests “many important issues remain to be properly explored.” There is still no effective study covering the whole south in the pre-Norman period[45]. There is an important study on Salerno by Huguette Taviani-Carozzi[46] but it is a lengthy study, over-theoretical and discursive though she does have some useful things to say on the eleventh century. Joanna H. Drell[47] examines family strategies in Salerno between 1077 and 1194, a valuable examination of the relationship between Norman and Lombard families. Patricia Skinner[48] has studied the duchy of Gaeta and makes important comparisons with the other coastal duchies. Most significant is the work of Jean-Marie Martin[49] on Apulia that Graham Loud[50] believes is perhaps the most important monograph to be published since Chalandon’s in 1907. However, historians still have to rely on R. Poupardin[51] for the political and administrative institutions. A comprehensive history of the south Italian church in the Norman period is still to be written. Claude Cahen’s study[52] is the main study of vassalage, military obligation and tenure and it was originally published in 1940. Islamic and Norman Sicily, especially before the reign of Roger II is particularly badly served. Ahmed[53] has little to say about the conquest and Peri[54] is primarily concerned with the period after the conquest. The administrative history of Sicily focuses on the twelfth century[55].

There have been important developments in the ways in which the Normans are viewed since the 1950s. First, there have been several attempts at a narrative synthesis. John Julius Norwich[56] produced a well-written if perhaps over-imaginative narrative in the 1960s. Jean-Marie Martin[57] sought a synthesis in the 1990s and his work reflects the changing focus of research with more on social and economic than political and institutional frameworks. Several useful works were published in English in which the Normans in southern Italy formed a part. David Douglas[58] provided an excellent summary of developments across all areas of Norman activity and their ultimate failure. John Le Patourel[59] produced an important if not always convincing study. There are three other general studies by R. A. Brown[60], Trevor Rowley[61] and Marjorie Chibnall[62].

Secondly, the nature of the conquest in the eleventh century has been the subject of several important developments. First, the coming of the Normans to Italy has been the subject of three important papers[63]. Secondly, there are two biographical studies of Guiscard. Huguette Taviani-Carozzi[64] concentrates very much on the chronicles and their perception of Guiscard but has an excellent section of Sicily though the discussion of Normandy is weak. Richard Bunemann[65] is more straight-forward though he does accept Anna Comnena’s estimate of Robert’s age; he was probably born in the mid-1020s rather than around 1015. However, the period after Guiscard’s death in 1085 and Roger I’s[66] career and government is Sicily and Calabria remains neglected[67]. There is, however, one fundamental and I think unexplored dimension: the Norman conquest of southern Italy and Sicily was essentially a ‘private’ enterprise while that of England was essentially ‘state-sponsored’; there are arguably greater similarities between the early conquest of Normandy and Southern Italy and Sicily than with England.

Thirdly, there have been important developments in our understanding of social and economic developments. Jean-Marie Martin’s 1994 synthesis and his monumental study of Apulia are especially good on economic developments. The same can be said of Laurent Feller’s study of the Abruzzi[68] though the main focus is on the period before the Norman invasions. The impact of the conquest is a major theme in the collections of papers by Graham Loud[69] and Leon-Robert Menager[70]. This process has been aided by the proliferation of conferences, especially in Italy (at Bari for example) where much of the interesting work on Italy has been published in the last twenty years. The major problem with this development is that the papers are not easily available in Britain and their quality is perhaps inevitably variable. For example, the papers[71] from a conference to mark the 900th anniversary of the death of Guiscard in 1985 are, with the notable exception of a brief essay on Guiscard’s chancery by Horst Enzensberger, very disappointing. Finally, there have been important developments in understanding the nature of Norman governance. Wolfgang Jahn[72] has written a valuable study of the aristocracy, Errico Cuozzi[73] has written on particular lordships and Evelyn Jamison’s[74] essays have been published though they are of greater value for the twelfth than the eleventh century.

Finally, there have been important studies of the relations between the Papacy and the Normans that have clarified Chalandon’s position. Josef Deer[75] and Jean Decarreaux[76] have produced thoughtful studies on the subject but it needs to be seen in relation to the general issues surrounding the Investiture Contest[77]. There are now modern biographies of Leo IX[78] and Gregory VII[79]. The other key work is on Desiderius and Montecassino[80]. For the Church in general, in the absence of a comprehensive study of the southern Italian church, historians have to rely on the study of particular areas in which eccelesiastical issues are covered: for example, Martin on Apulia, Feller on the Abruzzi and Graham Loud on Capua[81]. The focus for much research has been on Latin monasticism and the development of particular monasteries.

The development of the historiography of the Normans in southern Italy cannot be divorced from the historiographical developments in research on Normandy and England or from the burgeoning writings on the First Crusade and the formation of the Frankish-dominated states of the Middle East. New editions of the key chronicle texts for southern Italy taking account of issues like ‘the Norman myth’ are essential to take research on southern Italy forward as is some attempt to draw together the fruits of the varied writings of the last few decades.


[1] ‘Inventaire de Clémence de Hongrie’, in Douët d’Arcq (ed.) Nouveau recueil de comptes de l’argenterie des rois de France, page 64.

[2] Mario Spatafora Il Regerio in Sicilia, poems eroico, Ancone, 1698.

[3] La Harpe La deliverance de Salerne et la foundation du royaume des Deux-Siciles, Paris, 1765.

[4] A. de Pastoret Les Normands en Sicile ou Salerne délivrée, Paris, 1818.

[5] Du Moulin Les conquests et les trophées des Normands-François aux royaumes de Naples et de Sicile, aux duchez de Calabre, d’Antioche, de Galilée et autre principautés d’Italie et d’Orient, Rouen, 1698.

[6] Fazello, De rebus siculis, edited Amico and Statella, three volumes, Catania, 1749-53.

[7] Maurolico Sicanicarum rerum compendium, Messina, 1562.

[8] Buonfiglio Costanzo Historia siciliana, Venice, 1604.

[9] Caruso Memorie istoriche di quanto é accaduto in Sicilia dal tempo de’ suoi primieri abitatori, three volumes, Palermo, 1716-44.

[10] Summonte Historia dela citta e regno di Napoli, four volumes, Naples, 1675.

[11] Giannone Istoria civile del regno di Napoli, two volumes, Naples, 1766.

[12] Burigny Histoire générale de la Sicile, three volumes, La Haye, 1743.

[13] Testa De vita et rebus gestis Guillelmi II Siciliae Regis, Montreal, 1769

[14] Gregorio Considerazioni sopra la storia di Sicilia sai tempi normanni sino ai presenti, four volumes, Palermo, 1831-39

[15] Delarc cited three works in his footnote: Augustin Thierry Histoire de la conqûete de l’Angleterre par les Normands, four volumes Paris, 1839, Sir Francis Palgrave A history of Normandy and of England, four volumes, London, 1851-64 (a work left incomplete on his death) and Edward Freeman A history of the Norman conquest of England, its causes and its results, five volumes, Oxford, 1867-76 that Delarc said that was “a great and legitimate authority” in England.

[16] The irony arises from the fact that Delarc’s work only went as far as the beginning of Gregory VII’s papacy in 1073.

[17] Histoire des conqûetes des Normand en Italie, en Sicile et en Grèce: première époque, 1016-1085, Paris, 1830.

[18] G. de Blasiis La Insurrezione Pugliese e la conquista Normanna nel seculo XI, three volumes, Naples, 1864-73 is preoccupied with the experience of Apulia and this, and the inadequacy of the sources available to him, limits the value of the work.

[19] Baron de Bazancourt Histoire de la Sicile sous la domination des Normands, depuis la conqûete de l’Ile jusqu’a l’éstablissement de la Monarchie, two volumes, Paris, 1846 is an interesting work from a literary viewpoint but its chronological structuring of the eleventh century invasion of Sicily lacks precision. The Sicilian historian Isidoro la Lumia’s study of William II the Good Storia della Sicilia sotto Guglielmo il bono, Firenza, 1867 is certainly a more scholarly work.

[20] F. Hirsch ‘Amatus von Monte Cassino und seine Geschichte des Normannem’, Forschungen zur deutchen Geschichte, volume vii, Gottingen, 1868, page 206, sqq.

[21] ‘Die Feldzuge Robert Guiscardgreveu das Byzantinische Reich’, Quellen dargestellt, Fulda, 1834, page 70.

[22] ‘Komnenen und Normannen’, Beitroege zur Erforschung threr Geschichte’, Verdeutschen und erlauterten Urkunden des Zwolfen under dreizehuten Jahrhunderts, Stuggart, 1870, page 262, sqq

[23] ‘Guillerini Apuliensis Gesta Roberti Viscardi’, edited by R. Wilmans, Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Scriptorum, volume ix, pages 239-298

[24] ‘Leonis Marsicani et Petra diaconi chronicae monasterii Cassiensis’, edited by W. Wattenbach, Monumenta Germaniae Historica: Scriptorum, volume vii, pages 55-854.

[25] M. Champillion-Figaec (ed.) L’Ystoire de li Normand par Aimé, moine du Mont Cassin, Paris, 1835 and O.Delarc produced a more serviceable edition of L’Ystoire de li Normand par Aimé, évêque et moine du Mont Cassin, Rouen, 1892 after he had written his Les Normand en Italie depius les premières invasions jusqu’ a l’avénement de S. Grégoire VII (859-862, 1016-1073), two volumes, Paris 1883, reprinted Elibron Classics, 2003.

[26] For example, the Regii Neopolitani Archivi Monumenta edita et illustrata, six volumes, 1845-61 covers the period between 703 and 1130 but the collection had not continued beyond that point in 1883 when Delarc wrote. He also commented that he did not have the space to include all the diplomatic publications already available on southern Italy and Sicily.

[27] Michele Amari Bibliotheca Arabo Sicula della Sicula, 1857 and he published a two volume Italian translation of the Arab texts in 1880-81.

[28] S. Cusa I diplomi greci et arabi raccolti da S. Cusa, Palermo, 1874.

[29] The most important material can be found in P. Jaffe (ed.) Regesta Pontificum ab condita ecclesia ad anno 1198, 1851, Pflugk-Harttung (ed.) Acta Pontificum romanorum inedita von 748 bis 1198, Tubingen, 1880 and Watterich (ed.) Pontificum Romanorum vitae ab aequalibus conscriptae, 872-1099, 1862.

[30] John William Barlow A Short History of the Normans in South Europe, Kegan Paul, London, 1886.

[31] John William Barlow A Short History of the Normans in South Europe, Kegan Paul, London, 1886, page 8. He was writing before Delarc produced his superior edition of Amatus in 1892 and his comments reflect the questionable conclusions reached by Champillion-Figaec.

[32] Lothar von Heinemann Geschichte der Normannen in Unteritalien und Sicilien bis zum Aussterben des normannischen, Leipzig, 1894, one volume only though he planned to write further.

[33] J. Gay L’Italie méridionale et l’empire byzantin, two volumes, Paris 1904.

[34] Two important biographies of Roger II were published after Chalandon’s work but before 1914: Erich Caspar Roger II (1101-1154) und die Grundung der normannisch-sicilischen Monarchie, Innsbruck, 1904 and Edmund Curtis Roger of Sicily and the Normans in Lower Italy 1016-1154, London, 1912, a more populist work in the ‘Heroes of the Nation’ series.

[35] Chalandon died in Lausanne on 31st October 1921 at the age of eighty-six: Revue Historique, volume cxl, (1922), page 153.

[36] F. Chalandon Histoire de la Domination Normande en Italie et en Sicile, two volumes, Paris, 1907, reprinted, New York, 1960 and 1969.

[37] In addition to his Histoire de la Domination Normande en Italie et en Sicile, Chalandon wrote three other books that dealt with aspects of the Normans in southern Italy: Essai sur le règne d’Alexis Comnène, Paris 1900, Jean II Comnene (1118-1143) et Manuel Comnene, Paris 1912 and Histoire de la Premiere Croisade jusqu’a l’Election de Godefroi de Bouillon, Paris, 1925.

[38] V. De Bartholomaeis (ed.) Storia dei Normanni di Amato di Montecassino, in the Fonti per la storia d’Italia series , Rome 1935 and E. Pontieri (ed.) De rebus gestis Rogerii Calabriae et Siciliae Comitis et Roberti Guiscardi fratris eius, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, volume I, 2nd ed., Bologna, 1925-8.

[39] G. Resta ‘Per il testo di Malaterra e di alter cronache meridionali’, in Studi per il CL anno lel Liceo-Ginnasio T. Campanella, Salerno, 1968, pages 3-60.

[40] William of Apulia La geste de Robert Guiscard, edited by M. Mathieu, Palermo, 1961.

[41] L.R. Ménager Recueil des Actes des Ducs Normands d’Italie (1046-1127), volume i: Les Premiers Ducs (1046-1087), Bari, 1981. This calendar is now in need of updating and Ménager’s proposed edition of the charters of Roger I never appeared and with his death in December 1993 its publication is now problematic.

[42] E. R. Labande La Sicile dans les source narratives de la France et l’Ouest aux XI et XII siècles, 1939.

[43] Codice diplomatico verginiano, edited by P.M. Tropeano, ten volumes, Montevergine, 1977-86.

[44] Graham Loud The Age of Robert Guiscard, Longman, 2000, page 314.

[45] Barbara Kreutz, Before the Normans: Southern Italy in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries, Philadelphia, 1991 is generally better on the ninth century than the tenth and places greater emphasis on Amalfi than on the Byzantine provinces and the principalities of Capua and Benevento.

[46] Huguette Taviani-Carozzi La Principaute Lombarde de Salerne, two volumes, Rome 1991 but there is also Paolo Delogu Mito di una citta meridionale, Rome 1977 on Lombard Salerno.

[47] Joanna H. Drell Kinship and Conquest, Cornell University Press, 2002.

[48] Patricia Skinner, Family Power in Southern Italy: The Duchy of Gaeta and its Neighbours, 850-1139, Cambridge, 1995.

[49] Jean-Marie Martin La Pouille du VI et XII siecle, Rome 1993.

[50] Graham Loud The Age of Robert Guiscard, Longman, 2000, page 316.

[51] R. Poupardin Etude dur les institutions politiques et administratives des principautés lombardes de l’Italie méridionale, Paris, 1907.

[52] Claude Cahen Le Regime feodal de l’Italie normande, Paris, 1940

[53] A. Ahmed A History of Islamic Sicily, London, 1985

[54] I. Peri Uomini, citta e campagne in Sicilia dall’XI al XII seculo, Rome, 1978.

[55] Hiroshi Takayama The Administration of the Norman Kingdom of Sicily, New York, 1993 and Jeremy Johns Arabic Administration in Norman Sicily: The Royal Diwan, Cambridge University Press, 2002 provide some insight into Norman governance though they are primarily concerned with the twelfth century. E. Jamison, ‘The Norman Administration of Apulia and Capua, more especially under Roger II and William I, 1127-66’, Papers of the British School in Rome, volume 6, (1913), pages 211-481 has a little to say on the eleventh century.

[56] John Julius Norwich The Normans in the South 1016-1130, London, 1967.

[57] Jean-Marie Martin Italies normandes, Paris 1994, also published in Italian La vita quotidiana nell’Italia meridionale al tempo dei Normanni, Milan, 1997.

[58] D C Douglas The Norman Achievement 1050-1100, Methuen, 1969 and The Norman Fate 1100-1154, Methuen, 1976.

[59] John Le Patourel The Norman Empire, Oxford University Press, 1976, reprinted Sandpiper, 1997.

[60] R.A. Brown The Normans, Woodbridge, 1984 is a good solid introduction.

[61] Trevor Rowley The Normans, Stroud, 1999 is a straight-forward study, well-illustrated.

[62] Marjorie Chibnall The Normans, Blackwell, 2000 is a succinct and more recent study that covers the core issues with reference to the latest ideas and interpretations.

[63] Hartmut Hoffmann ‘Die Anfange der Normannen in Unteritalien’, Quellen und Fortschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, volume xlix (1969), pages 95-144 remains the best study but there are also papers in English by J. France, ‘The Occasion of the Coming of the Normans to Southern Italy’, Journal of Medieval History, volume 17 (1991), pages 185-205 and E. Joranson, ‘The inception of the career of the Normans in Italy’, Speculum, volume 23 (1948), pages 353-96.

[64] Huguette Taviani-Carozzi La terreur du monde, Paris, 1996.

[65] Richard Bunemann Robert Guiskard 1015-1085. Eine Normanner erobert Suditalien, 1997.

[66] The exception to this is a series of conference papers: Ruggero il Gran Conte e l’inizio dello Stato normanno, II Giornate Normanno-Sveve, Bari 1977

[67] C. Bozzoni Calabria normanna, Roma 1974 goes only part of the way to resolving this problem.

[68] L. Feller Les Abruzzes Médiévales. Territoire, Économie et Société en Italie Centrale du IXe au XIIe Siècle, Rome 1998.

[69] G.R. Loud Conquerors and Churchmen in Norman Italy, Ashgate, 1999 contains several important papers especially his study of the Campagnia.

[70] L-R Menager Hommes et Institutions de l’Italie normande, Ashgate, 1981 contains the seminal study of the prosopography of the Normans and other Frenchmen contained in the sources.

[71] C.D. Fonseca (ed.) Roberto il Guiscardo tra Europa, Oriente e Mezzogiorno. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studio promosso dall’Università degli Studi della Basilicata in occasione del IX centenario della morte di Roberto il Guiscardo (Potenza - Melfi - Venosa, 19 - 23 ottobre 1985), Galatina, 1990.

[72] Wolfgang Jahr Untersuchugen zur normannisher Herrschaft in Suditalien (1040-1100), Berlin, 1989 lists the surviving documents from individual lordships.

[73] Errico Cuozzo Normanni, nobilita e cavallieria, Salerno, 1995 is a collection of his papers, some of which have been revised.

[74] Evelyn Jamison Studies on the History of Medieval Sicily and South Italy, edited by D. Clementi and T. Kolzer, 1992.

[75] Josef Deer Papsttum und Normannen: Untersuchungen zu ihren lehnsrechlichen und kirchenpolitischen Beziehungen, 1972 is a detailed but difficult work.

[76] Jean Decarreaux Normands, Papes et Moines, Paris, 1974 is shorter than Deer’s study and probably the best general work on the subject.

[77] On this subject, the best introduction is Ute-Renate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century, Philadelphia, 1988.

[78] Charles Munier Le Pape Léo et la Réforme de L’Eglisle 1002-1054, Strasbourg, 2002, especially pages 193-216.

[79] H. E. J. Cowdrey Gregory VII, Oxford University Press 1998 and his edition of the letters of Gregory VII The Register of Gregory VII, Oxford University Press, 2002.

[80] H. E. J. Cowdrey The Age of Abbot Desiderius: Montecassino, the Papacy and the Normans in the Eleventh and Early Twelfth Centuries, Oxford University Press, 1983.

[81] G. Loud Church and Society in the Norman Principality of Capua 1058-1197, Oxford University Press, 1985.