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Thursday 31 January 2019

British Foreign Policy and Castlereagh


After the defeat of France in 1814 and 1815, Britain played a central role in redrawing the map of Europe at the Congress of Vienna. 
 

1814-1815
Congress of Vienna
1818
Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle
1820
Congress at Troppau
1821
Congress at Laibach
1822
Castlereagh committed suicide; Canning became Foreign Secretary
1823
Congress at Verona
Monroe Doctrine
1827
Battle of Navarino; Canning’s death
1830
Palmerston became Foreign Secretary
1833
Treaty of Unkiar Skelessi
1839
Treaty of London
1842
Treaty of Nanking

 
Castlereagh, Britain’s Foreign Secretary from 1812 until his suicide in 1822 wanted stability and peace in Europe leaving Britain free to pursue its global commercial and imperial interests. The idea of a ‘balance of power’ between the great powers in Europe--Austria, Russia, France, Britain and Prussia--was at the heart of his thinking.  Co-operation between the great powers was enshrined in the idea of regular congresses to resolve areas of dispute.  The problem Castlereagh, and subsequently Canning and Palmerston, Foreign Secretaries between 1822 and 1827 and 1830 and 1841, respectively faced was that the great powers in Europe meant that they were prepared to intervene, diplomatically and militarily in support of their own interests.  This meant that Britain also had to intervene in support of its own European interests.  This was especially the case in the Low Countries (Belgium and Holland), the Iberian Peninsula (Portugal and Spain) and in the Near East (the Ottoman Empire) where Britain had either commercial or strategic interests.  The continuities in foreign policies between 1815 and 1841 were important but the ways in which those policies operated depended on the contrasting personalities and styles of Castlereagh, Canning and Palmerston.

 
Did Castlereagh secure an effective peace 1814-1822?
Castlereagh was Foreign Secretary from February 1812 until August 1822.  Napoleon’s failure in Russia in 1812, Wellington’s victories in Spain and Portugal and the creation of the Fourth Coalition (Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia) in 1813 brought defeat for France.  Napoleon abdicated in 1814 and the Bourbon monarchy was restored.  The ‘Hundred Days’[1] in 1815 culminating in the final French defeat at Waterloo ended the threat from Napoleon.  The post-war settlement was the result of the Congress of Vienna.[2]

Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia had fought against France to ensure their own survival and independence.  As winners, they expected to strengthen their own positions by acquiring land either in Europe or as colonies.  What they feared was a repeat of French domination of Europe.  This provided the impetus for creating a balance of power between the five great European powers.  For Castlereagh, this meant a settlement in which each of the mainland powers were satisfied and so were unlikely to dispute it in the future.  He believed that, ‘It is not the business of England to collect trophies, but to restore Europe to peaceful habits.’  It was in Britain’s interests to have a peaceful Europe as this secured her defences and to remain free from European commitments leaving the country free to develop its colonial empire and increase its wealth through overseas trade.  Britain’s security may have been the major priority of Castlereagh’s policies but he was also concerned to encourage liberal ideas, something the other great powers viewed nervously.  Economic liberalism through freer trade was seen by the other great powers as a ploy to help Britain win commercial advantage. Political liberalism and the creation of constitutional monarchies were even more suspect and Castlereagh approached them with great care.  He was aware that the other great powers saw great danger in sudden political change.  The French Revolution had clearly shown this.  He was ready to see other countries adopt more liberal constitutions but only where appropriate and in Britain’s interest.  Britain also pressed for the abolition of the slave trade but Castlereagh was only able to obtain vague promises of action by the other powers.[3] 

Britain did not want any territory on the mainland of Europe.  However, it wanted the independence of Belgium, especially the port of Antwerp to protect the British coastline and to guarantee access to European markets.  Britain also wanted to see Spain and Portugal free from French influence.  Castlereagh accepted that Italy should be an area of Austrian influence and that Prussia should be expanded.  They could then guard against Russia aggression.  Canning’s involvement in Spain and Portugal and Palmerston’s concerns about the Low Countries and the Ottoman Empire show the essential continuity of Britain’s European policies. 

The Vienna Settlement brought Britain few territorial gains though their location emphasised Britain’s major interests­. The Cape of Good Hope (South Africa), Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and Mauritius were of strategic and commercial importance in relation to India.  Britain’s special interest in the Low Countries (modern day Belgium and the Netherlands) was central to her trade with Europe.  Most British exports entered Europe through the Scheldt estuary.  This was safeguarded by the possession of Heligoland and by Austria’s decision not to take back the old Austrian Netherlands (later Belgium), which was united with the United Provinces (the Netherlands).  As a result, no great power controlled the Low Countries. Malta and the Ionian Islands provided bases in the Mediterranean guarding against the advance of Russia.  The West Indian islands of St Lucia, Trinidad and Tobago reinforced Britain’s commercial control over the Caribbean. The centre of Europe was bolstered against aggression from east and west by strengthening the position of Austria in Germany and Italy and by guarding against Russian advance into the Balkans.  In broad terms, Castlereagh had secured the settlement he wanted.
 
The Congress system.
 
The territorial settlement, though inevitably a compromise satisfied the great powers.  Russia gained Poland and Finland.  Austria’s influence in Italy and Germany was strengthened.  Prussia, the most successful of the great powers in 1815 doubled in population.  France lost territory in Europe and some colonies, had to pay an indemnity (compensation) or 700 million francs and ensure an army of occupation for between three and five years but was not treated too harshly and the Bourbons were restored.[4]  The main aim of the great powers was European political stability, a balance of power.  The Congress system was premised on this.
 
Holy and Quadruple Alliances.
 
By the end of 1815, two further alliances had been signed: the Holy Alliance of Austria, Russia and Prussia established in September and the Quadruple Alliance signed in November   The Holy Alliance was the idea of Tsar Alexander I.   He wanted to establish an alliance of Christian kings who could work together to keep order, peace and friendly relations between the states of Europe. Britain did not sign and Castlereagh described it as a ‘piece of sublime mysticism and nonsense’.   The Holy Alliance was a reactionary move reflecting anxieties about all revolutionary movements. It had two important results. It was used to justify intervention by the Great Powers in the affairs of smaller states in the 1820s if a revolutionary change seemed likely. The Congress System became a means for maintaining established order and authority.  It also led to liberalism and nationalism being repressed.  
The Quadruple Alliance was signed by the four victorious great powers.  It was more specific and practical than the rather vague notions of ‘Justice, Christian Charity and Peace’ of the Holy Alliance.  Article VI was drawn up by Castlereagh and was a crucial element in organising the congresses: the four victorious powers ‘have agreed to renew their meetings at fixed periods…for the purpose of consulting on their common interests.’  The vagueness was deliberate.  Castlereagh recognised the advantage of keeping the allies together but anything more specific would have been overruled in Cabinet by colleagues opposed to further involvement on mainland Europe. 
In practice, there was no ‘system’.  The congresses met in different places: Aix-la-Chapelle, Troppau, Laibach and Verona.  There was no permanent staff to support them.  Meetings were held at irregular intervals, in 1818, 1820, 1821 and 1822 with the Congresses in 1820 and 1821 almost merging. The meeting at Aix-la-Chapelle was called to deal with outstanding problems that arose from the treatment of France.  There was no clear reason for calling any of the other three, other than considering revolution.  There were no congresses after 1822, though attempts were made to call them.  Congresses proved unworkable largely because the great powers wanted to pursue their own interests and were no prepared to surrender this except when it was to their advantage to do so.  Normal diplomatic channels proved to be a far more effective way of maintaining the balance of power in Europe.
 
Britain and the four Congresses.
 
In 1818, at Aix-La-Chapelle, France was brought back as one of the great powers in the Quintuple Alliance in part to balance what Castlereagh and Metternich[5] saw as the growing power of Russia.  Both Austria and Britain were concerned about Russia expanding further westwards and this ensured that Castlereagh and Metternich worked closely together until 1820.   Tsar Alexander[6] wanted to guarantee existing rulers their thrones and frontiers arguing for regular congresses that could direct the use of troops to restore deposed leaders.  Castlereagh opposed this proposal vigorously and it was, for the moment dropped.  The Congress at Aix-la-Chapelle was the most successful of the four.
The second Congress at Trop­pau in 1820 was concerned with how the balance of power in Europe should be maintained.  It was unclear whether the balance of power created at Vienna in 1815 was to be maintained indefinitely or whether it should be open to limited change.  The Congress was called because the rebellions in Spain, Naples and then Portugal threatened the rulers there.  Castlereagh made his position clear in the State Paper of 5 May 1820:
 
‘it (the Quadruple Alliance) never was intended as a Union for the government of the world, or the superintendence of the internal affairs of other states.’
 
Castlereagh was prepared to support change in the balance of power as long as they did not threaten the overall peace of the continent.  Russia, Prussia and Austria took the opposite view and signed the Troppau Protocol committing them to intervene if revolutionary changes in any state threatened other states or international peace. Britain saw its obligations as limited to guaranteeing the territorial integrity of the Vienna Settlement and that, since the Spanish revolution was an internal matter intervention was unjustified.  In practice, British foreign policy in the 1820s and 1830s took a more pragmatic attitude to intervention. 
The Troppau meeting was adjourned to Laibach reassembling in January 1821. Castlereagh’s brother Lord Stewart the British Ambassador in Vienna represented Britain.  Ferdinand of Naples appealed to the Congress for help and, though Britain could not object to the dispatch of an Austrian army in view of Austria’s treaty arrangements with Naples, the British opposed the use of international force. Suppression of the rebellion was, according to Castlereagh, an Italian question and that intervention by the Austrians in their sphere of influence was not an issue as far as British foreign policy was concerned.  This did little to help Castlereagh’s reputation in Britain where he was seen as an arch-reactionary.  The outbreak of a revolt in Wallachia and Moldavia was followed by the Greek revolt.  This had the effect of uniting British and Austrian policy, as both were anxious that the Russians should not profit from the situation the expense of Turkey.  Laibach settled little and a new congress was arranged to meet at Verona in 1822.  The threat to British interests in the Near East obliged Castlereagh to consider attending in person. However, on 12 August 1822, he killed himself throwing British policy into some confusion.  Canning, his successor did not go to Verona and quickly recalled Wellington, who had gone in his place.  He maintained that this ended the Congress System but this overestimated his achieve­ment. Doubts on the part of the Tsar, reinforced by Metternich’s argu­ments, prevented Russia from intervening in Greece. Wellington’s argument against French intervention in Spain was also unsuccessful and the Bourbon army found little difficulty in subduing the country in mid-1823. The Verona Congress maintained the façade of unity but it was increasingly clear that the interests of the great powers had diverged.
 


[1] The ‘Hundred Days’ was a three-month period in 1815 during which Napoleon escaped from his exile on the Mediterranean island of Elba, returned to France, took back power for himself and relaunched the war.  He was defeated at Waterloo in June.  He was exiled again, this time to the island of St. Helena in the southern Atlantic where he died in 1821.
[2] The territorial settlement of the Congress of Vienna consisted of three agreements signed in 1814 and 1815.  The first Treaty of Paris (30 May 1814) was the peace treaty with France after Napoleon’s abdication.  The Final Act of the Congress of Vienna (9 June 1815) contained most of the post-war settlement, the result of negotiations in Vienna between October 1814 and June 1815.  The second Treaty of Paris (20 November 1815) revised the peace terms with France making them slightly harsher after Napoleon’s ‘Hundred Days’.  The Vienna settlement evolved over more than a year.
[3] The abolition of the British slave trade took place in 1807.  Britain paid off other countries that practiced the trade. Spain was given £400,000 in 1820 and Portugal followed Spain’s lead by accepting £300,000.  The Dutch were not paid cash but ended the trade in their colonies in 1815 in return for keeping most of their colonies in the East Indies, such as Java that Britain had captured during the war.
[4] The Bourbons were restored: the Bourbons were the royal family of France.  Louis XVI had been executed in 1793 and in 1814, his brother Louis XVIII was restored.  He died in 1824 and was succeeded by Charles X.  Louis Philippe finally replaced the Bourbons in the Revolution of 1830
[5] Metternich was the Austrian Chancellor and a key player in European diplomacy from 1815 to 1848.
[6] Alexander I, tsar of Russia from 1801 to 1825 took a leading part in the defeat of Napoleon in 1815.  His approach to foreign policy after 1815 was motivated by a belief in Christian brotherhood.

Sunday 11 November 2018

My Books and other publications

Those publications with an asterisk (*) were co-written with C.W. Daniels. This list does not include editorials for Teaching History, book reviews or unpublished papers. Neither does it include the two series of books for which I have been joint-editor: Cambridge Topics in History and Cambridge Perspectives in History. Including these books would increase the length of this appendix by 52 books.

1974-1979

Computer-based data and social and economic history (for the Local History Classroom Project), (1974).

Social and Economic History and the Computer (for LHCP), (1975).

‘Local and National History -- an interrelated response’, in Suffolk History Forum, 1977.

‘Our Future Local Historians’, in The Local Historian, Vol. 13, 1978. *

‘Sixth Form History’, in Teaching History, May 1976. *

‘Sixth Form History’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 3 June 1977. *

‘The new history -- an essential reappraisal’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 2 December 1977. *

‘Interrelated Issues’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 1 December 1978. *

‘The Myth Exposed’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 30 November 1979 * also reprinted in John Fines (ed.) see below.

1980-1984

Nineteenth Century Britain, (Macmillan), 1980. *

‘The Local History Classroom Project’, in Developments in History Teaching, (University of Exeter), 1980. *

‘A Chronic Hysteresis’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 5 December 1980. *

Twentieth Century Europe, (Macmillan), 1981. *

‘Is there still room for History in the secondary curriculum?’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 5 December 1981. *

‘Content considered’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 9 April 1982. *

Twentieth Century Britain, (Macmillan), 1982. *

‘A Level History’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 8 April 1983. *

‘History in danger revisited’, in The Times Educational Supplement,  9 December 1983. *

‘History and study skills’, in John Fines (ed.), Teaching History, (Holmes McDougall), 1983. 

‘History and study skills’, reprinted in School and College, Vol. 4, (4), 1983.

Four scripts for Sussex Tapes, 1983:

People, Land and Trade 1830-1914.

Pre-eminence and Competition 1830-1914.

The Social Impact of the Industrial Revolution.

Lloyd George to Beveridge 1906-1950.

Four computer programs for Sussex Tapes, 1984:

The Industrial Revolution.

Population, Medicine and Agriculture.

Transport: road, canal and railway.

Social Impact of Change.

‘It’s time History Teachers were offensive’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 28 November 1984. *

The Chartists, (Macmillan), 1984. *

1985-1989

‘Using documents with sixth formers’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 29 November 1985. *

Learning History: A Guide to Advanced Study, (Macmillan), 1986. *

GCSE History, (The Historical Association), 1986, revised edition, 1987, as editor and contributor.

‘Training or Survival?’ with M. Booth and G. Shawyer in The Times Educational Supplement, 10 April 1987.

Change and Continuity in British Society 1800-1850, (Cambridge Topics in History, Cambridge University Press), 1987.

‘There are always alternatives: Britain during the Depression’ for BBC Radio, 14 September 1987.

‘Cultural imperialism’, in The Times Educational Supplement, 4 December, 1987.

‘The Training of History Teachers Project’, in Teaching History, 50, January 1988.

‘History’ in Your Choice of A-Levels, (CRAC,) 1988.

‘The Development of Children’s Historical Thinking’ with G. Shawyer and M. Booth, Cambridge Journal of Education, Vol. 18, (2), 1988.

‘The New Demonology’, Teaching History, Vol. 53, October 1988.

The Future of the Past: History in the Curriculum 5-16: A Personal Overview, (The Historical Association), 1988.

‘History Study Skills: Working with Sources’, History Sixth, Vol. 3, October 1988. *

‘A Critique of GCSE History: the results of The Historical Association Survey’, Teaching History, Vol. 55, March 1989.

1990-1999

‘History Textbook Round-up’, Teachers’ Weekly, September 1990.

‘Partnership and the Training of Student History Teachers’, with M. Booth and G. Shawyer, in M. Booth, J. Furlong and M. Wilkin (eds.), Partnership in Initial Teacher Training, (Cassell), 1990.

Economy and Society in Modern Britain 1700-1850 (Routledge), 1991.

Church and State in Modern Britain 1700-1850 (Routledge), 1991.

‘History’ in Your Choice of A-Levels, (CRAC), 1991.

‘Lies, damn lies and statistics’, Teaching History, 63, April 1991.

‘BTEC and History’, in John Fines (ed.), History 16-19, (The Historical Association), 1991.

‘What about the author?’, Hindsight: GCSE Modern History Review, Vol. 2, (1), September 1991.

‘Appeasement: A matter of opinion?’, Hindsight: GCSE Modern History Review, Vol. 2, (2), January 1992.

Economic Revolutions 1750-1850 (Cambridge Topics in History, Cambridge University Press), 1992.

‘Suez: a question of causation’, Hindsight: GCSE Modern History Review, Vol. 4, (1), September 1993.

‘History’ in Your Choice of A-Levels, (CRAC,) 1993.

History and post-16 vocational courses’, in H. Bourdillon (ed.), Teaching History, (Routledge), 1993.

‘Learning effectively at Advanced Level’, pamphlet for PGCE ITT course, (Open University), 1994.

Preparing for Inspection, (The Historical Association), 1994.

Managing the Learning of History, (David Fulton), 1995.

Chartism: People, Events and Ideas (Perspectives in History, Cambridge University Press), 1998.

BBC History File: consultant on five Key Stage 3 programmes on Britain 1750-1900, 1999.

2000-2009

Revolution, Radicalism and Reform: England 1780-1846, (Perspectives in History, Cambridge University Press), 2001.

‘The state in the 1840s’, Modern History Review, September 2003.

‘Chartism and the state’, Modern History Review, November 2003.

‘Chadwick and Simon: the problem of public health reform’, Modern History Review, April 2005.

2010

Three Rebellions: Canada 1837-1838, South Wales 1839, Eureka 1854, (Clio Publishing), 2010.

2011

Three Rebellions: Canada 1837-1838, South Wales 1839, Eureka 1854, (Clio Publishing), 2011 Kindle edition.

Famine, Fenians and Freedom, 1840-1882, (Clio Publishing), 2011.

Economy, Population and Transport (Nineteenth Century British Society), 2011 Kindle edition.

Work, Health and Poverty, (Nineteenth Century British Society), 2011 Kindle edition.

Education, Crime and Leisure, (Nineteenth Century British Society), 2011 Kindle edition.

Class, (Nineteenth Century British Society), 2011 Kindle edition.

2012

Religion and Government, (Nineteenth Century British Society), 2012 Kindle edition.

Society under Pressure: Britain 1830-1914, (Nineteenth Century British Society), 2012 Kindle edition.

Sex, Work and Politics: Women in Britain, 1830-1918, (Authoring History), 2012.

Famine, Fenians and Freedom, 1840-1882, (Clio Publishing), 2012 Kindle edition.

Sex, Work and Politics: Women in Britain 1830-1918, 2012,  Kindle edition.

Rebellion in Canada, 1837-1885 Volume 1: Autocracy, Rebellion and Liberty, (Authoring History), 2012.

Rebellion in Canada, 1837-1885, Volume 2: The Irish, the Fenians and the Metis, (Authoring History), 2012.

2013

Resistance and Rebellion in the British Empire, 1600-1980, Clio Publishing, 2013.

Settler Australia, 1780-1880, Volume 1: Settlement, Protest and Control, (Authoring History), 2013.

Settler Australia, 1780-1880, Volume 2: Eureka and Democracy, (Authoring History), 2013.

Rebellion in Canada, 1837-1885, 2013, Kindle edition.

'A Peaceable Kingdom': Essays on Nineteenth Century Canada, (Authoring History), 2013.

Resistance and Rebellion in the British Empire, 1600-1980, 2013, Kindle edition.

Settler Australia, 1780-1880, 2013, Kindle Edition.

Coping with Change: British Society, 1780-1914, (Authoring History), 2013.

2014

Before Chartism: Exclusion and Resistance, (Authoring History), 2014.

Suger: The Life of Louis VI 'the Fat', (Authoring History), 2014, Kindle edition.

Chartism: Rise and Demise, (Authoring History), 2014.

Sex, Work and Politics: Women in Britain, 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2014.

Before Chartism: Exclusion and Resistance, (Authoring History), 2014, Kindle edition.

2015

Chartism: Rise and Demise, (Authoring History), 2015, Kindle edition.

'Development of the Professions', in Ross, Alastair, Innovating Professional Services: Transforming Value and Efficiency, (Ashgate), 2015, pp. 271-274.

Chartism: Localities, Spaces and Places, The Midlands and the South, (Authoring History), 2015.

Chartism: Localities, Spaces and Places, The North, Scotland Wales and Ireland, (Authoring History), 2015.

2016

Chartism, Regions and Economies, (Authoring History), 2016.

Breaking the Habit: A Life of History, (Authoring History), 2016.

Chartism: Localities, Spaces and Places, The Midlands and the South, (Authoring History), 2016, Kindle edition.

Chartism: Localities, Spaces and Places, The North, Scotland Wales and Ireland, (Authoring History), 2015, Kindle edition.

Chartism, Regions and Economies, (Authoring History), 2016, Kindle edition.

Suger: The Life of Louis VI 'the Fat', revised edition, (Authoring History), 2016.

Robert Guiscard: Portrait of a Warlord, (Authoring History), 2016.

Chartism: A Global History and other essays, (Authoring History), 2016.

Chartism: A Global History and other essays, (Authoring History), 2016, Kindle edition.

Roger of Sicily: Portrait of a Ruler, (Authoring History), 2016.

Three Rebellions: Canada, South Wales and Australia, (Authoring History), 2016.

2017

Famine, Fenians and Freedom, 1830-1882, (Authoring History), 2017.

Disrupting the British World, 1600-1980, (Authoring History), 2017.

Britain 1780-1850: A Simple Guide, (Authoring History), 2017.

People and Places: Britain 1780-1950, (Authoring History), 2017.

2018

Britain 1780-1945: Society under Pressure, (Authoring History), 2018.

Britain 1780-1945: Reforming Society, (Authoring History), 2018.

Three Rebellions: Canada, South Wales and Australia, (Authoring History), 2018, Kindle edition.

Famine, Fenians and Freedom, 1830-1882, (Authoring History), 2018. Kindle edition.

Disrupting the British World, 1600-1980, (Authoring History), 2018, Kindle edition.

Britain 1780-1945: Society under Pressure, (Authoring History), 2018, Kindle edition.

Britain 1780-1945: Reforming Society, (Authoring History), 2018, Kindle edition.

Robert Guiscard: Portrait of a Warlord, (Authoring History), 2016, 2018, Kindle edition.

Roger of Sicily: Portrait of a Ruler, (Authoring History), 2016,  2018, Kindle edition.

People and Places: Britain 1780-1950, (Authoring History), 2017, 2018, Kindle edition.

Breaking the Habit: A Life of History, (Authoring History), 2016, 2018, Kindle edition.

2019

Radicalism and Chartism 1790-1860, Authoring History), 2019.

Radicalism and Chartism 1790-1860, Authoring History), 2019, Kindle edition.

2020

The Woman Question: Sex, Work and Politics 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2020.

Canada's 'Wars of Religion', (Authoring History), 2020.

The Woman Question: Sex, Work and Politics 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2020, Kindle edition.

2021

Canada's 'Wars of Religion', (Authoring History), 2021, Kindle edition.

The Woman Question: Sex, Work and Politics 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2021, hardback.

Economy, Population and Transport 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2021, paperback and hardback.
2022
Classes and Cultures 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2022, Kindle, hardback and paperback.
Work, Health and Poverty 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2022, Kindle, hardback and paperback.
Education and Crime 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2022, Kindle, hardback and paperback.
Religion and Government 1780-1945, (Authoring History), 2022, Kindle, hardback and paperback.




Monday 5 November 2018

Published in Kindle

It’s almost a year since I published second editions of my Rebellion Quartet and I’m hoping that I will write the final volume next year.  In the interim I have converted the published volumes into Kindles so that access is broadened.  This proved to be a far simpler process than has been the case in the past and the results look good on my iPads.


Rebellion Quartet 1


Rebellion Quartet21


Rebellion Quartet 3

Wednesday 5 September 2018

Politicians return ‘to school’

Britain’s relationship with Europe over the past millennium has been one of ‘divide and rule’ and this has meant that we’ve fought against the French with the Germans, the Germans with the French, the Spanish with the French and against the French and the Spanish and so on.  In very broad terms, it’s been a successful strategy that has largely worked for the past thousand years until now…what the government has not been able to do in the Brexit negotiations is to peel off member states and get them to accept Britain’s point of view.  There are some countries, for instance the Netherlands, that are more sympathetic to the British position but that does not mean that they are willing to shatter the unit of the member states…so that’s one part of the British negotiating strategy that had been unsuccessful.  Given that EU unity is likely to be maintained and also that the EU negotiating team has said that they do not accept large portions of the Chequers agreement, you have to ask where the negotiations now stand. 
Former Bank of England governor Lord King, a Brexit supporter, has blasted preparations as ‘incompetent’. He stated in an interview for the BBC: ‘We haven't had a credible bargaining position, because we hadn't put in place measures where we could say to our colleagues in Europe, 'Look, we'd like a free-trade deal, we think that you would probably like one too, but if we can't agree, don't be under any misapprehension, we have put in place the measures that would enable us to leave without one.’  He predicts that we will find ourselves with what's been dubbed as Brino--Brexit in name only--which he said was the worst of all worlds. It's also a state of affairs that he fears could drag on for years. ‘I think the biggest risk to the UK, and this is what worries me most, is that this issue isn't going to go away, you know the referendum hasn't decided it, because both camps feel that they haven't got what they wanted.’  He contrasts the unity of the EU, the clarity of its position and the patience of its approach with the ‘the UK that’s been divided without any clear strategy at all for how to get to where we want to go.’
BREXIT-VOTE
With Labour mired in the row over anti-Semitism for the past three months that has reinforced the often toxic relationship between Labour Party members, its contribution to the Brexit debate has been limited while the response from the Liberal Democrats has been one of studied silence.  There are growing calls for a ‘People’s Vote’ once the deal is agreed but, with the exception of the smaller parties, there seems no appetite for this amongst the leadership of Labour or Conservative parties despite the fact that, for Labour at least, it could be a general election winner.  The Prime Minister has her ‘plan’ that appears to satisfy no-one…the EU won’t accept it, many of her own party are opposed to it, Boris is as always stalking about for an opportunity to seize power, Labour’s ‘six points’ will almost certainly not be met so it will vote against any deal and a no deal solution won’t get through Parliament.  As it stands, there isn’t a majority in Parliament for any of the proposals being touted by the myriad of groups within Parliament or outside. 
This begs the question of whether Brexit is now a viable political option at all.  Polls suggest that as we move towards March next year, the number of people supporting Brexit is declining.  This is hardly surprising as, according to one study, a thousand Brexit supporters are dying every day…whether this is true or not, the support of the younger voters for remaining remains solid while that for Brexit is decomposing with some rapidity. So where does this leave the referendum result?  Could Parliament, for instance, argue that as it was ‘advisory’ and that we now find ourselves in a situation that could not have been foreseen before the referendum, the principle of representative government dictates that Parliament could vote to ignore the result and decide to remain in the EU?  Would that be an affront to the ‘democratic will of the people’?  Well, yes it would if you accept that the participatory principle trumps the representative one.  But if you do not, then there is no reason why Parliament should not exert its sovereign powers to reverse Article 50.  It would allow the country to address the real challenges ahead as Lord King said, "The biggest economic problems facing the UK are, we save too little, we haven't worked out how to save for retirement, the pension system is facing I think a real challenge, we haven't worked out how to save enough for the NHS and finance it, we haven't worked out how we're going to save enough to provide care for the elderly. These are the big economic challenges we face, but are they being discussed at present in an open way? No, because the political debate has been completely taken up by Brexit.  It's a discussion where both sides seem to be throwing insults at each other.’

Monday 20 August 2018

Britain 1780-1945: Reforming Society


NOW PUBLISHED


Britain 1780-1945 Vol 2


Britain 1780-1945: Reforming Society develops the ideas and chronological scope that I put forward in my earlier studies of Britain's social and economic development during the late-eighteenth, nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. The result is a new history of British society between 1780 and 1945. I have taken the opportunity of extending the chronological limits of the book from 1914 to 1945 and have radically restructured my earlier work rewriting each chapter to take account of recent thinking in an attempt to make it less Anglo-centred, white and male in character. The result is an examination of issues ignored in my earlier work, for instance, the ways in which poor relief operated differently in England, Scotland and Ireland and the question of disability. The book begins by examining the critical developments in the transformation of Britain's government, its urbanisation and the problems of housing, the revolution in how people worked and the problems posed by regulation and the problems of the public's health. It then moves on to look at poverty and the state and the nature of voluntary action and the development of a national system of education. The final chapters consider crime, punishment and policing.

Monday 6 August 2018

Fragments from an Unexceptional Life

We all, in one way or another, live unexceptional lives. We are born, we go to school and increasingly university, we start work, enter relationships that may or may not lead to children who we watch grow into adults and, hopefully after years of retirement, we die. That is the life that most of us experience. We have an impact on our ‘nearest and dearest’ but beyond that our lives will barely cause a ripple in the grand scheme of things. This does not mean that our lives are dull and yet very few of us every put pen to paper so that our lives and what we have learned are ever passed down to future generations. I have read many published and unpublished memoirs of people who serve in or lived through the Second World War and this one is exceptional. It is based on Harold’s collection of information about his experiences that, several decades later, he drew together into the story of how an unexceptional man lived through and coped with exceptional times.
BookCoverPreview
As Harold wrote: '…the accounts are truthful as far as my memory serves me. I haven’t put them into story form because I find that doing so tends to make them read like fiction I have no wish to glorify war. Although I enjoyed my time in the forces generally speaking, I pray that you will never be involved in such a conflict, or in a disaster of any kind.’

Now available on Amazon https://www.amazon.co.uk/.../172.../ref=pd_rhf_gw_p_img_1...

Sunday 8 July 2018

From Peace to Victory: Amiens to Waterloo 1802-1815

The Peace of Amiens, negotiated by Hawkesbury (later Lord Liverpool) and Cornwallis and ratified by Parliament in May 1802, received a poor press from contemporaries and subsequently from historians. The surren­der of Austria deprived Britain of any leverage in Europe and Addington accepted terms which recognised French predominance on the continent and agreed to the abandonment of all overseas conquests. Grenville and Windham regarded these concessions as a disgrace and refused to give the ministry further support. This opened a split between them and Pitt, who was still prepared to give Addington assistance. Viewed simply in territorial terms Amiens was disastrous but Addington and his ministers saw it as a truce, not a final solution. Britain had been at war for nine years and Addington, previously Speaker of the House of Commons, was fully aware of growing pressures from MPs and from the nation at large for peace. Canning, one of the most vehement critics of the Peace, willingly admitted that MPs were in no mood to subject its terms to detailed scrutiny and that they would have ratified almost anything.

NPG 5774; Henry Addington, 1st Viscount Sidmouth

Addington

Amiens to Trafalgar 1802-1805

In the twelve months between Amiens and the inevitable renewal of the war, Addington made military and fiscal preparations that placed Britain in a far stronger position than it had been in 1793. British naval and military strength was not run down. The remobilisation of the fleet pro­ceeded well in 1803. Addington retained a regular army of over 130,000 men of which 50,000 were left in the West Indies to facilitate the prompt occupation of the islands given back in 1802 when the need arose. 81,000 men were left in Britain that, with a militia of about 50,000, provided a garrison far larger than anything Napoleon could mount for invasion in 1803. The 1803 Army of Reserve Act produced an additional 30,000 men. He revived the Volunteers, backed by legislation giving him powers to raise a levy en masse. This raised 380,000 men in Britain and 70,000 in Ireland and by 1804, they were an effective auxiliary force. Reforms by the Duke of York improved the quality of officers and in 1802, the Royal Military College was set up. Addington improved Pitt’s fiscal management of the war in his budgets of 1803 and 1804 by deducting income tax at source. This was initially set at a shilling and raised by Pitt in 1805 at 1/3d, in the pound on all income over £150. Fox, who bitterly denounced Pitt’s 25 per cent increase in 1805, had now to defend a further 60 per cent increase the following year. Once war was renewed in 1803, Addington adopted a simple strategy of blockading French ports. The navy swept French commerce from the seas. Colonies recently returned to France and her allies were reoccupied. He sought allies on the continent who were willing to resist French expansion.

The Battle of Trafalgar, 21 October 1805: Death of Nelson

Continuity of strategy

From 1803 until about 1810, there was little difference in Britain’s strategy to that employed in the 1790s or its level of success. Addington gave way to Pitt in April 1804. Napoleon recognised that final victory depended on the conquest of Britain and during early 1805, preparations were made for an invasion. To succeed he needed to control the Channel and to prevent the formation of a European coalition against France. He failed on both counts. The destruction of a combined Franco-Spanish fleet at Trafalgar in October 1805 denied Napoleon naval supremacy and the hesitant moves of Russia and Austria against him meant that troops intended for invasion had to be diverted. Between late 1805 and 1807, France confirmed its military control of mainland Europe. The Third Coalition was quickly overwhelmed in 1806 and 1807. Austria was defeated at Ulm and Austerlitz in October and December 1805 respectively and in January 1806 Austria made peace at Pressburg. Prussia, which had remained neutral in 1805, attempted to take on France single-handed and was defeated at Jena in October 1806; Russia, after its defeat at Friedland, made peace at Tilsit in 1807. Britain once again stood alone.

‘Economic warfare’

With the prospect of successful invasion receding as a means of defeating Britain, Napoleon turned to economic warfare. The Berlin Decree (November 1807) threatened to close all Europe to British trade. This was not new. Both Pitt and the Directory had issued decrees aimed at dislocating enemy trade and food imports. The difference between Napoleon’s continental system and the attempts in the 1790s was one of scale. Between 1807 and 1812, France’s unprecedented control of mainland Europe meant that British shipping could be excluded from the continent. In practice, however, there were major flaws in Napoleon’s policy. It was impossible to seal off Europe completely from British shipping. Parts of the Baltic and Portugal remained open and in 1810 Russian ports were reopened to British commerce. In the face of French agricultural interests, Napoleon did not ban the export of wines and brandies to Britain and during the harvest shortages of 1808-1810, he allowed the export of French and German wheat under license. Most importantly, he had no control over Britain’s trade with the rest of the world and it was to this that Britain increasingly looked. Though the Continental System and particularly Britain’s Orders in Council were blamed for economic crisis in 1811-1812 by both manufacturers and the Whigs, it has been suggested that a better explanation can be found in industrial overproduction and speculation in untried world markets. Napoleon failed to achieve an economic stranglehold because he did not have naval supremacy and because Britain’s economic expansion was directed at non-European markets. The British blockade inflicted far more harm on France, whose customs receipts fell by 80 per cent between 1807 and 1809 than exclusion from Europe ever did to Britain.

The British response to the creation of the Continental System came in the form of Orders in Council. In January 1807, the ‘Ministry of all the Talents’ banned any sea borne trade between ports under French control from which British shipping was excluded. To avoid unduly antagonising the United States trade by neutral shipping from the New World to French-controlled ports was unaffected. The Portland ministry took a harder line. Under pressure from Spencer Perceval, the Chancellor of the Exchequer far more strict Orders were issued in November and December 1807. This extended exclusion to all shipping from French-controlled ports, paying transit duties in the process. The major purpose of the Orders was to dislocate European commerce and as a result create discontent with the Napoleonic regime. Success was achieved at the cost of further deterioration in relations with the United States. Demand for British goods meant that trade was largely uninterrupted until America passed a Non-Importation Act in 1811. British exports to her largest single market plummeted from £7.8 million in 1810 to £1.4 million in 1811. There was a corresponding reduction in imports of raw cotton, which was 45 per cent lower in 1812-1814 than in 1809-1811. The Anglo-American war of 1812-1814 was fought largely about the Great Lakes, since the primary objective of the American ‘hawks’ was the conquest of Upper Canada. The New England states opposed the war vigorously and had the Orders in Council been withdrawn a few weeks earlier it would probably not have been approved by Congress. Little was achieved militarily and the most famous incident of the war, the repulse of a British attack on New Orleans, was fought a month after the war ended but before news of the Peace of Ghent reached America. The peace settled nothing. None of the original causes of the war, for example, the boundaries between the United States and Canada or maritime rights, received any mention.

Total victory 1808-1815

The final phase of the war began in 1808 when Napoleon attempted to exchange influences for domination in the Iberian Peninsula. Nationalist risings in Spain against the installation of Napoleon’s brother Joseph as king and anti-French hostility in Portugal, which had been annexed the previous autumn, prompted Castlereagh, Secretary of War for the Colonies, to send 15,000 troops in support. This approach conformed to the strategy used since 1793 of offering limited armed support to the opponents of France. In the next five years, British troops, at no time more than 60,000 strong, led by Arthur Wellesley (created Viscount Wel­lington in 1809) and his Portuguese and Spanish allies fought a tenacious war with limited resources. Wellington’s victory at Vimeiro in August 1808 was followed by the Convention of Cintra, negotiated by his superior, which repatriated the French troops and set Portugal free. By the time, Wellington returned to the Peninsula in April 1809, it seemed that this campaign was to be no more successful than the Walcheren expedition to the Low Countries was to prove later that year.

battle-of-badajoz

The Peninsula campaign drained Napoleon’s supply of troops that he had to divert from central Europe. Calling the war the ‘Spanish Ulcer’ was no understatement. Wellington gradually wore down French military power and it was from the Peninsula that France was first invaded when Wellington crossed the Pyrenees after his decisive victory at Vitoria in August 1813. Napoleon’s position in Europe was weakened by the unsuccessful and costly Russian campaign of 1812 and by the spring of 1813, the British government was absorbed in creating a further anti-French coalition. The Treaty of Reichenbach provided subsidies for Prussia and Russia. Separ­ately negotiated treaties, usually under French military duress, had been a major problem of the three previous attempts at concerted allied action. Castlereagh, now foreign secretary, saw keeping the allies together long enough to achieve the total defeat of France as one of his primary objec­tives. Austria was at first unwilling to enter the coalition, fearing the aggressive aspirations of Russia as much as those of France. Castlereagh knew that a general European settlement was impossible without total victory. When he arrived in Basle in February 1814 French troops were everywhere in retreat--Napoleon had been defeated in the three-day ‘Battle of the Nations’ at Leipzig the previous October and Wellington had invaded south-west France--but the allies were no more trusting of each other’s motives. Castlereagh demonstrated his skills as a negotiator and achieved the Treaty of Chaumont in March by which the allies pledged to keep 150,000 men each under arms and not to make a separate peace with France. Napoleon’s abdication and exile to Elba in 1814 allowed Castlereagh to implement his second objective: the redrawing of the map of Europe to satisfy the territorial integrity of all nations, including France. The Congress of Vienna of 1814-1815, within limits, achieved this. Napo­leon’s final flourish in 1815 that ended at Waterloo made no real difference.

waterloo